In multiple ways, I-Day 2016 should be seen as Modi’s first speech in the run-up to 2019
The Prime Minister’s third I-Day
speech marks a subtle shift in gears from the tone and tenor of this earlier ones
from the Red Fort. If the previous two speeches were about emphasising intent
and sincerity, this one was about delivery. If the earlier orations were more
triumphalist in content, thanks to memories of a robust 2014 mandate, this one
takes aim at positioning Narendra Modi and his government for the next test in
2019.
If the attempt earlier was to
announce new initiatives, this one was about putting out subtle markers for
people to associate Modi with future positive outcomes on the “achche din” monitor.
The PM knows that he rates much higher than his party, and hence the outcome of
2019 depends on how they rate his performance.
Modi is also conscious of the fact
that the previous NDA lost because the economic turnaround achieved in the last
year of its tenure was not felt by the people at large. Hence the shock defeat
for Atal Behari Vajpayee. Modi’s speech, coming roughly at the mid-point of his
government, is squarely aimed at ensuring that most people feel at least some
mild breeze of change over the next two years. A real change that isn’t felt
for at least a year or two before elections will be dismissed as one of those
fortuitous things that happen to every government.
In the process of trying to link the
benefits of his schemes to effects that they can feel themselves, Modi became
the first Prime Minister to connect the dots linking economic reforms to the aam aadmi rather than just business.
Reform acquired a bad connotation in all previous governments because it was
seen as oriented towards the rich; Modi has broken this trend.
From the middle classes to the aspiring
classes and the underclass, Modi put out markers for them to identify with.
He talked of changing the attitude of
the taxmen and speeding up passport deliveries, both important issues for the
upwardly mobile classes. So the next time you get a tax refund quickly, or the
passport arrives within weeks rather than months, you know Modi may have done
some good.
He talked about eliminating group interviews
for C and D category jobs in government; and so the next few thousand young
people who get in through this route without “sifarish” will attribute this
change to Modi.
He talked about providing four crore
new LPG connections in just over a year, hoping he will receive the blessings of
the beneficiaries; he talked of giving five crore poor women subsidised LPG connections
under the Ujjwala scheme in the remaining three years before 2019. As the
scheme is implemented, the government’s positive touch points on change will
increase.
Politics was never far from his mind,
as he subtly wove tales around things being done for Uttar Pradesh. He talked
of electricity reaching a village (Nagla Phatela) in Hathras, just three hours
from Delhi. He talked about 95 percent of sugarcane farmers getting their dues in
full, just months before next year’s assembly elections.
He talked of making 77 crore LED
bulbs costing Rs 350 each at a price of Rs 50 (13 crore already done), in the
hope that whenever anyone lights a bulb, he will be credited for it – and the
lower electricity bills.
Modi made a throwaway reference to
the contributions of previous governments, but essentially contrasted his speed
of implementation with those of his predecessors: he cocked a snook at the UPA
for linking only four crore Aadhaar numbers to benefits when he managed to link
70 crore. Online railway ticketing was not his creation, but Modi claimed the
speeding up of the IRCTC ticketing process as his work.
He made similar points about the
speed of rollout of the Jan Dhan banking scheme (which he can claim credit
for); the conversion of the post office into a payments bank, thus potentially reaching
out to nearly 1.5 lakh cities and towns and villages; the creation of 3,500 km
of new railway track in two years (versus 1,500 over the previous 10 years); the
building of 100 km of rural roads daily (against 70-75 earlier); the speed of
electrifying rural villages (10,000 of 18,000 villages not yet touched by
electricity); and the creation of toilets in villages to make them open
defecation-free.
The point is obvious: having
presented himself as the Superman who can set things done right through hard
work, these markers were intended to show he has delivered.
Not that he left the corporate sector
out of his ministrations; he took credit for speeding up the time taken for corporate
registrations from weeks to just a day; for the Goods and Services Tax (GST),
which will unify the indirect tax regime with the ultimate goal of creating a one-nation-one-tax
framework; the e-mandi, which will allow farmers to access prices from multiple
markets; and for defreezing 270 projects worth Rs 10 lakh crore that were stuck
in the works.
Equally important was Modi’s social
messaging, made in the context of the recent uproar over attacks on Dalits by “gau
rakshaks”. He called for social unity. He did well to emphasise that social
injustices had to be taken head on and hinted that he was willing to take a
stand on this issue.
Another important message was the hardening
of his stand on Pakistan. Faced with concerted efforts by the Pakistani state
to sponsor terror in Kashmir, he upped the ante by repeating his support for
those agitating for human rights in Balochistan, Gilgit-Baltistan and
Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Given the rising crescendo of protests in these
regions, this support for human rights in Pakistani-controlled geography punctures
the validity of pro-Pakistani cries raised in Kashmir Valley. This message will
resound on both sides of the border.
We have entered a new phase in
Indo-Pakistani ties where the earlier velvet glove is being strengthened by the
iron fist, with smiles being replaced with bared teeth. Having proved his peaceful
credentials despite domestic criticism, Modi has made his point on the world
stage. Now, Pakistan will find it difficult to internationalise Kashmir, even
as the world loses its appetite for self-determination as a solution to
internal inter-ethnic problems.
In multiple ways, I-Day 2016 should be seen as Modi’s first speech in the run-up to 2019.