Modi-Mamata In Dhaka: Welcome Bipartisanship
In terms of past political practices, Mamata Bannerjee’s presence with Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his Bangladesh visit would be hard to explain. That this happened points to the pragmatism of both leaders. Is this the template for the future? It ought to be, though it depends very much on who is ruling at the Centre.
The Indian National Congress (INC) has a tendency to authoritarianism and not taking along opposition governments in the formulation and implementation of policies. It is a function of dynastic rule. The land border agreement with Bangladesh was stuck for decades because West Bengal was not brought on board. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in an ivory tower. The Centre mustn’t ride roughshod over states to make international settlements.
This has long been the position of this writer. Happily, it is also the prime minister’s stance. It is a testimony to Modi’s skills that he convinced all the states to be affected by the exchange of enclaves to go along in larger national interest. It was critical for West Bengal to agree since Mamata had earlier embarrassed Manmohan Singh.
Prime Minister Modi, on the other hand, kept the contentious issue of Teesta water-sharing out of this trip though hinting that an agreement would be forthcoming. The credibility of his engagement with Bangladesh needed Mamata’s presence who graciously assented. She probably overcame considerable personal misgivings to join the prime minister. It gives credit to her capacity to heed the big picture.
Hopefully, this trend will be replicated in other states. As politics has been practised in this country, bipartisanship finds little play. For example, there should be no difference between the Centre and West Bengal on consolidating relations with Bangladesh as long as West Bengal’s interests are protected. The same would apply to Tamil Nadu in reference to Sri Lanka. The chief minister should not expect a veto on building relations with a neighbouring country. But he or she ought to have a say when state interests are at stake.
Beyond specifics, however, the general principle is important. The Centre and the state should cooperate even if rival parties hold power in both places. The trajectory so far was for the Centre to undercut the states and vice-versa. Modi consciously has altered the narrative. It is for the states to be more forthcoming now.
It will not be easy but a beginning has been made. The initiative for this lies with Modi and he is making every effort to push it. How he sees it is this. Competitive politics must be restricted to the duration of the elections, when the campaigning would be no-holds-barred. But once the polls are over, and a new government formed, the genie of competitive politics must be returned to the bottle.
It is easier said than done. It will call for great exercise and display of political maturity as Modi and Mamata have exhibited on the Bangladesh tour. Mamata’s presence during Modi’s state visit does not mean political competition between the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Trinamool Congress is over. It suggests even less that there is an alliance in the making. It is a win-win for both leaders but that is purely incidental to the real gains made by India in foreign affairs. This should be the model for Centre-state relations in general.
It will take time to fructify. Not just elected Central and state governments but the opposition in these places have to put limits to competitive politics. People don’t like competitive politics beyond a point. They understand its necessity for elections and for keeping the government on its toes.
But when competitive politics comes in the way of development and progress, people will reject it. The prime minister is well aware of this. The chief ministers and the opposition in general have some learning to do in this sphere.
Cynicism and negativity have few takers especially among the young.
This piece is published with the permission of, and in collaboration with, www.newsinsight.net