Emergency Diaries: Voices From Northeast’s Forgotten Front Against Tyranny

From Frontier to the Heartland: A Century of Sangh Parivar in the Northeast. Rouhin Deb, Nabaarun Barooah. Rupa Publications India. 312 Pages. Rs 614.

On 25 June 1975, the nation awoke to a jarring announcement by then President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—Emergency had been declared. As civil liberties were suspended, the press was censored and political opponents were arrested en masse, India transformed into a police state overnight, shrouded in fear and uncertainty.

Indira Gandhi justified her actions as a necessary step to restore law and order, citing the need to combat internal disruption and external threats. Yet, beneath the veneer of stability lay a darker truth—Emergency was a calculated manoeuvre to consolidate power and silence dissent. 

Amidst the tranquil surroundings of North Guwahati's Auniati Satra, the Sangh Siksha Varg camp for all of Northeast was being organized in the presence of Eknath Ranade. Little did the participants anticipate the seismic shift that would soon engulf the nation. As dawn broke on the 26 June, the customary wake-up call at 4.00 a.m. was accompanied by an eerie silence, shrouding the air with a foreboding sense of apprehension. The feeble summons from the instructors to rouse the siksharthis seemed but a mere whisper against the backdrop of impending doom. The news, when it came, struck like a thunderbolt—on the preceding night, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had declared a state of internal emergency across the country.

Even in such trying circumstances, the ongoing programmes of the camp did not stop for three days, until the gravity of the situation necessitated its premature conclusion on 29 June. As the convocation address unfolded amidst the hallowed halls of the temple, a sudden encirclement by law enforcement personnel sent ripples of tension through the congregation. Bhumidev Goswami, who was heading the camp the as prant karyavah, found himself in a tête-à-tête with the Superintendent of Police, Mr Priya Goswami, as the temple grounds brimmed with apprehension. Amidst this whirlwind of uncertainty, a group of prominent Sangh workers covertly crossed the Brahmaputra river to Guwahati, evading the watchful gaze of law enforcement. 

Although no arrests were made that day, the participants of the camp found themselves subjected to interrogation and photographic documentation, their allegiances scrutinized under the unrelenting gaze of authority. The police asked everyone only one question: “What is your opinion on PM Indira Gandhi?” The participants from Manipur—who understood little Hindi and English—answered, “She is very beautiful.”

The following day marked a pivotal moment in the annals of history as Balasaheb Deoras—the then sarsanghchalak—was apprehended in Nagpur. A call to action reverberated through the ranks of volunteers, urging them to increase public awareness and maintain peace amidst the tempestuous storm of repression. What followed was a series of arrests all across the Northeast.

Interestingly enough, Eknath Ranade—then formally affiliated with the Vivekananda Kendra—avoided arrest.  When the RSS was banned on 4 July 1975, he wrote a letter to Indira Gandhi stating, “I am an RSS pracharak but give me six months before you arrest me. I need to work on my new organization Vivekananda Kendra. Without me this baby organization will fail. After six months, I will offer myself to you.” Indira Gandhi trusted Ranade so much, particularly because of his great work during the Rock Memorial inauguration, that she neither banned the Kendra nor arrested him. Others weren’t so lucky.

Amidst the looming shadows of the Emergency era, the life of Gurupada Bhowmick, a dedicated RSS pracharak and seasoned lawyer, unfolded against a backdrop of uncertainty and turmoil. In the confines of his rented chamber in Dibrugarh, fate cast its ominous shadow as the police descended to affect his arrest. Though absent from the court, news of Gulap Borbora's wrongful incarceration had reached Bhowmick, signalling the looming threat that now encroached upon his own doorstep. An acquaintance within the police force relayed the grim tidings—warrants had been issued for his and Ashim Dutta's arrest.

Yet, amidst the chaos, a plea for respite was voiced—to inform clients and secure their affairs before the inevitable incarceration. With steely resolve and a hint of desperation, Bhowmick bargained for time—a mere two days to orchestrate the handover of responsibilities—before the jaws of justice snapped shut. After informing his clients of the state of affairs, and helping them find replacement lawyers, he honoured the pact of voluntary surrender to the authorities, sealing his fate on the fateful day of 5 July  1975, within the confines of the Dibrugarh Police Station.

Under the controversial Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), Bhowmick's freedom dwindled to a mere illusion, ensnared in the web of political intrigue and repression that defined the first phase of the Emergency. Yet, hope flickered faintly, an ember of optimism that whispered of swift release and imminent liberation. But fate had other plans. He got bail from the clutches of MISA after a year's incarceration, but this brief taste of freedom was quickly snatched away, swallowed by the gaping maw of the Defence of India Act (DIR). Alongside 180 others in Dibrugarh, he became a prisoner once more, thrust into the second phase of the Emergency, where shadows deepened and freedoms waned. 

Several hundreds in Assam, mostly businessmen, were also arrested under the Conservation of Foreign Exchange and Prevention of Smuggling Activities Act, 1974 (COFEPOSA) for shady economic ‘crimes’. Over 80,000 swayamsevaks were booked under various sections across the country. More than 350 Sangh activists were also jailed in Northeast India. The Emergency also saw the mass incarceration of 60–70 pracharaks and Sangh karyakartas in Manipur, bringing the RSS’s three-decade-long sampark to a total end.

When in jail, many swayamsevaks were brutally tortured. Madanji Sinhal, Sharat Kalita, Motilal Jalan, Manju De, Haricharan Jindal, Banwari Sharma had to bear a lot of beatings and other humiliating tortures. Some satyagrahis were stripped of their clothes and beaten up while cold water was poured on them. Shankar Das, the current baudhik pramukh of RSS in Assam, told us that his seniors were forced to sleep tied to ice slabs till they melted. Jyoti Gogoi of Dibrugarh suffered from severe jaundice while in jail.

The incarcerated members of the Sangh would often share jokes amongst themselves, fostering a sense of camaraderie and inspiration within their ranks. In Jorhat Jail, a fellow prisoner from the Congress party queried a Sangh member, asking, “Masterji, how much longer must we endure this confinement?” In response, the Sangh member reassured him, saying, “Why worry, sir? Even Veer Savarkar endured 25 years of Kala Pani.”

Amidst the darkness of confinement, amidst the gnawing uncertainty of prolonged incarceration, a semblance of normalcy emerged. Shakhas were organized in these jails, prayers whispered in hushed tones, and the rhythmic thwack of shuttlecocks filled the stagnant air as badminton became a refuge from the suffocating reality of prison life. In the company of intellectuals, politicians and ideological adversaries turned comrades, Bhowmick navigated the treacherous waters of imprisonment, bound by a common fear of the unknown that lingered in the air like a palpable spectre of dread. Yet, despite the pervasive atmosphere of distrust that gripped society, amidst whispered conversations and sidelong glances, a spirit of resilience simmered beneath the surface. 

The spirit of resistance burned bright fuelled by the collective determination to reclaim the freedoms that had been usurped by tyranny. In the corridors of power, voices of dissent grew louder as prominent figures from diverse ideological backgrounds united in their condemnation of the Emergency regime. Letters of protest were penned, petitions circulated and alliances forged in the pursuit of a common goal—the restoration of democracy and fundamental rights. On the streets, whispers of resistance echoed through the alleys and byways, as ordinary citizens found courage in solidarity, rallying behind the banner of freedom and justice. Despite the ever-present threat of reprisal, the spirit of defiance remained unbroken, a testament to the indomitable resilience of the human spirit.

In Assam, leaflets were published by the names of Varta Patra, Satyavarta, Lokvani, etc. Initially, printing was a problem. No printing press dared to print the leaflets. Therefore, with the help of two photo frames, mesh cloth and glass, a homemade machine was created. Initially there was no roller for printing. Only a belan (roti roller) was used for the purpose. Every 15 days, a leaflet was published to inform the people about the unspeakable government repression and the challenges that lay before them. Leaflets were distributed in various ways—by direct meetings, by putting them in homes at night or by post. 

Then a young pracharak, Deepak Ranjan Sharma who we interviewed, distributed many such leaflets from one house to another. They also used to go to the houses of the opposition leaders to give them the news on contemporary developments in the country, because all other sources of contact among the leaders had ended. Financial assistance was also provided to the families of many jailed persons by visiting their homes with utmost caution.

Another defiant hero of this time in Tripura was Bhaskar Kulkarni. When the Emergency was announced, he was in Tripura at the time, went into hiding. Adopting the alias ‘Narayan Sharma’, Kulkarni became a key figure in leading the anti-Emergency underground movement in the state. His efforts included the covert distribution of leaflets that reached even the most remote corners of Tripura. For four months, he skilfully evaded arrest, but on the fateful day of October 25, 1975, his luck ran out.

Kulkarni was staying with an acquaintance in Dharmanagar, a person he would later regret trusting. This acquaintance betrayed him to an SIB inspector. As Kulkarni was about to board a bus in Dharmanagar, carrying a bag full of leaflets destined for Manipur, the inspector approached him. “Who are you and where are you headed?” The inspector inquired.

“Narayan Sharma,” Kulkarni replied confidently. The inspector, however, pulled out a photograph and pointed at him. “You are Bhaskar Kulkarni, and you are from the RSS.”

Kulkarni was arrested on the spot, with all his leaflets and contacts seized. Charged under the Defence of India Act (DIR), he was sent to Silchar Jail. Upon his arrival, Kulkarni was greeted with garlands by many of the inmates, who were young college students sympathetic to the RSS and familiar with his work. Instantly, Kulkarni became a hero among the prisoners, which included several socialist leaders.

In jail, Kulkarni initiated regular Sangh shakha activities. He led the inmates in reciting prayers, engaging in intellectual discussions (baudhik) and performing yoga and physical exercises (sharirik). His actions inspired great enthusiasm among pracharaks across the country. Even Sarsanghchalak Balasaheb Deoras—who was imprisoned in Pune—wrote letters to Kulkarni, praising his resilience and spirit.

Kulkarni's influence became such a menace to the authorities that they decided to transfer him to Nagaon. However, his indomitable spirit could not be contained there either. The jailers in Nagaon found it equally challenging to suppress his activities. As a result, Kulkarni was extradited to Nasik Jail in his home state of Maharashtra, where his continued defiance and dedication further fuelled the resolve of the anti-Emergency movement.

At the national level, prominent people like Nanaji Deshmukh of Jana Sangh, Dattopant Thengadi of Sangh, socialist ideologue Ravindra Verma, etc., started correspondence with Indira Gandhi through Lok Sangharsh Samiti to end the Emergency. But the repression did not stop. As all the efforts failed, the Samiti decided to start a satyagraha. Meanwhile, Nanaji Deshmukh was also arrested. Moropant Pingle of the Sangh, Dattopant Thengadi and Ravindra Verma visited Assam. 

Information about the satyagraha was given in small meetings. In such meetings, maximum attendance was of the swayamsevaks of the Sangh. It was decided to hold satyagrahas in every province from 14 November 1975 to 20 January 1976. It was urged that the first satyagraha of the opposition parties would be held in Assam. Despite not being completely prepared for the event, the first satyagraha took place in Guwahati on 14 November. Gradually satyagrahas were organized in other districts as well.

Chauthaiwale writes about two defying acts of resistance. In Dibrugarh, three swayamsevaks who worked in the All India Radio were presenting a programme which was filtered by the government. In the middle of the programme, they started raising slogans against the Emergency. They were obviously arrested.

The second example is that of the Lawyers’ Conference organized by the Congress Party in Guwahati. The then All India President of Congress Dev Kant Barooah and Rajni Patel were invited to the programme. Before either of them reached the venue, while the speeches of other local leaders were going on, some swayamsevaks started distributing leaflets and began raising slogans in the hall itself. The police closed the doors of the auditorium and caught hold of all the satyagrahis. They were beaten up.

However, as the tide of public opinion turned against the oppressive regime, cracks began to appear in the facade of authoritarian rule. From the halls of academia to the corridors of power, dissent simmered beneath the surface, awaiting the opportune moment to erupt into full-fledged rebellion. Ultimately, it was the collective will of the people that proved to be the undoing of the Emergency regime. Through acts of courage and defiance, ordinary citizens and dedicated activists alike paved the way for the restoration of democracy and the rule of law.

And when the shackles of oppression finally fell away in December 1977, the Sangh pracharaks and swayamsevaks emerged, as phoenixes reborn from the ashes of adversity, their paths forever altered. Many of them, such as Deepak Ranjan Sharma and Gurupada Bhowmick campaigned for the Janata Party coalition.The RSS, with its vast network of dedicated workers, embarked on an extensive campaign across the length and breadth of the nation. They traversed villages and towns, spreading the message of change, of a brighter tomorrow where democracy would reign supreme.