Commentary
The Gujarat electoral calculus
This election analysis trilogy is dedicated to Offstumped (Shashi Shekhar), one of the finest political brains that the Indian right has produced in the digital era.
The Creator of the universe works in mysterious ways. But he uses a base 10 counting system and likes round numbers.
– Scot Adams
Predicting electoral outcomes in India is almost an occult science that involves a lot of mysteries like imagined caste-vote tilts and representative sample sizes that try to fathom voter perceptions regarding government’s performance et al. For a nation of 1.2 billion people with a million castes/religions/languages/ethnic groups, even after 65 years of independence, we are totally clueless about the percentage of population of different subgroups. In fact, for more than 50 years all electoral pundits have been quoting lefty-CSDS percentages for all sorts of population based permutations and combinations. What is even more heart-breaking is that most of the CSDS-type data is based on weighted representations of sample-sizes as low as interviewing 700 people in a state!
To add to this huge gap in our databases is the total opaqueness of the election commission of India which has never released polling booth level voting numbers to the wider public scrutiny. Polling booth level voting data is released to the political parties and contesting candidates by the election commission and it is a herculean task to get access to that data.
Although this author has succeeded in collating some polling booth level data in some states, that database has a lot of gaps and is by no means exhaustive. In any case, another stumbling block for such a polling-booth level database is the fact that it is available only from the EVM era of 2004 onwards as there was no practical way of maintaining such a database in the paper-ballot era.
The upcoming Gujarat election is the first opportunity for us at ECRI to try and plug some of these gaps in the electoral data by collating and superimposing different databases from different sources. This is our humble effort to analyse opinion polls and past electoral data on one single platform to get a better understanding of Indian electoral calculus and eventually produce better predictive models.
District-wise electoral map of Gujarat
One of the primary flaws in our understanding of the Indian electoral scene is the lack of a visual geographic electoral-topography. As we have seen in the electoral-college methodology of the US presidential elections, understanding the dominance of a political party in each district in a similar fashion in the Indian context can give us a better visual understanding of electoral politics.
Representative electoral map of Gujarat after the 2007 assembly elections. “Saffron” represents BJP dominant areas whereas “Blue” represents Congress dominant areas.
Representative electoral map of Gujarat after the 2009 LS elections. “Saffron” represents BJP dominant areas whereas “Blue” represents Congress dominant areas.
What is clear from the above maps is that BJP’s strength in the Saurashtra region has been considerably eroded in the 2009 LS polls as compared to its performance in the 2007 assembly polls. Narendra Modi and BJP should be reasonably worried about the party’s prospects in Saurashtra this time because of the presence of GPP and Keshubhai Patel.
For instance, take the case of Bhavnagar district (in the above maps), where BJP had swept the polls in the 2007 assembly elections but had to share the spoils in 2009 because of the presence of Gordhanbhai Zadafia as an MJP candidate – he cornered almost 30% of the votes in the Bhavnagar LS polls. This time, in Bhavnagar area there is not only GPP to contend with, but also Kanubhai Kalsaria’s Sadbhavana Manch, both of which can potentially dent BJP’s vote-share.
Despite a poor performance in the LS polls, BJP was still ahead in 106 assembly segments (to the Congress lead positions of 76) even in the 2009 elections. In more than 30 years, since 1991, the only time BJP had been leading in less than a 100 seats (in both LS as well as assembly polls) was in 2004. Only a repeat of that 2004 LS performance by the Congress party can bring it any closer to power.
LS Polls v/s Assembly polls
[Data Source: Election Commission of India]
Having said that the BJP should be weary of its performance in Saurashtra, it must be stressed that the voting behaviour of Gujaratis is distinctly different in assembly polls as compared to LS polls. The one clear visible feature of this difference in voting pattern is the 12 to 15% gap in turnouts between both the set of polls (as seen in the chart above). It seems as though the Gujarati voter has lesser incentive in turning out to vote for national polls vis-à-vis state elections. Also logical analysis suggests that it is the BJP voter who is less enthusiastic about Lok Sabha elections than the Congress voter – this aspect might change in the event of Narendra Modi being declared as the prime-ministerial candidate of the NDA/BJP.
Understanding the caste-calculus and voting patterns of the past polls
[Data Source: Election Commission of India]
Caste-Calculus
[Data Source: BJP internal database + leaked census data + CSDS + NES]
Even though Gujarat as a state has evolved from being a purely caste-electoral-matrix into a development and progress oriented society, the caste & identity pull on the electoral outcomes cannot be completely ruled out. Thus it becomes important to understand and analyse the voting patterns of different subgroups of the Gujarati populace. There are again three major stumbling blocks in this process of understanding the caste-based voter preferences.
[Data Source: BJP internal database + CSDS + NES + Polling booth data]
The above chart represents collated data from two LS polls (2004 & 2009) and two assembly polls (2002 & 2007). The remaining vote-share percentage, if any; other than that of Congress & BJP; has gone to “others”.
The urban v/s rural divide
[Data Source: BJP internal database + CSDS + NES + Polling booth data]
The above chart represents collated data from two LS polls (2004 & 2009) and two assembly polls (2002 & 2007). The remaining vote-share percentage; other than that of Congress & BJP, if any; has gone to “others”.
Assembly strongholds
There are basically 56 BJP stronghold seats where the party hasn’t lost an election since two decades (i.e.) since 1995. Among those 56, there are 31 constituencies where BJP hasn’t lost an election since 1990! Congress on the other hand has only 4-6 such stronghold seats in an assembly of 182. This kind of electoral strength is unheard of in the post emergency era of Indian elections.
[Data Source: Election Commission of India] Seats not lost since 90, 95 & 98
For Congress to have any realistic chance of forming a government in Gandhinagar, the party has to win at least half of these BJP stronghold seats. Conversely, for the BJP it is much easier to once again emerge victorious in the Gujarat polls, because all it has to do is retain a majority of its stronghold constituencies and just try and win a couple of dozen more battleground seats.
Summary
[Note: In the next part we will analyse the specific factors impacting Gujarat elections 2012.]
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