Culture
Statue of MGR at the MGR Memorial, Chennai (Photo: Aravind Sivaraj/Wikimedia Commons)
It is a rite of passage that has not ceased for decades now.
Come 17 January (or 24 December), on the highways, and in the many nooks and crannies of Tamil Nadu's cities and towns, garlanded pictures of MGR are placed with an incense burning solemnly, even if its smoky smell is lost in the vast openness around, in a spontaneous show of respect and reverence on his birthday (or remembrance day).
While the members of the party founded by M G Ramachandran in 1972, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), doubtless carry out this act of remembrance, surprisingly, many members of the public continue to pay obeisance unprompted to a man who died 38 years ago in the winter of 1987.
Such voluntary exhibition of love and affection to a departed leader probably has no parallel in Indian politics.
Today, too, on his 108th birth anniversary, things were no different.
In the city of Chennai, this writer saw the pictures of MGR on many street corners with the usual show of regard. The exuberant songs of motivation and life of propriety from his many movies may no longer be as loud as they once used to be. But make no mistake, the other manifestations of warm endearment are unmistakably around.
It is not a political show of craven deification but an organic exhibition of genuine sentiment. So does that mean MGR is still relevant politically? And is the MGR vote bank still alive, a good 38 years after his death?
"Tough to say with conviction," says M Bharat Kumar, a journalist and political commentator. "But it is remarkable, the emotions that MGR's name still evokes among a large swathe of TN voters.”
He adds it is a fact that despite enormous upheavals in the state and the problems arising out of his contentious political legacy (chiefly J Jayalalithaa) in the state, MGR's charisma would seem to be undiminished, and you can still go to smaller cities and villages in Tamil Nadu and see people talk about MGR in golden adjectives.
DMK Grew in the State Because of MGR
Makkal Thilagam (People's King), the sobriquet given to him during his active film days, seems to stick firmly even today.
To be sure, Jayalalithaa had popular appeal, but her political victories were all built on the firm foundation left by MGR. Were it not for the fact that she was seen as a legatee of MGR, people would not have reposed enormous faith in her. What she got were surrogate MGR votes.
"To understand the phenomenon of MGR, one must have lived in TN (Tamil Nadu) much through from the (19)60s till he died," says veteran journalist Durai Karuna, who has covered the political beat since the 1970s, and who has written a few books on MGR.
"The MGR phenomenon has no parallel in the annals of Indian political history. The love and adulation he enjoys, even after his death, is phenomenal, and every politician, including his rivals, understands that."
After MGR's death, even M Karunanidhi, his bitter enemy, someone who was out of power for 13 straight years, had to swallow his pride and publicly say long after MGR's death, 'MGR is my longtime friend.'
"Karunanidhi understood that he cannot do politics by attacking MGR. To this day, the DMK's top leaders target Jayalalithaa and others from the AIADMK, but carefully avoid taking potshots at MGR," says Durai Karuna.
Longtime chroniclers of Tamil Nadu politics assert that it was MGR's draw with the public that was hugely instrumental in the DMK's rise to power in the state. (MGR was in the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, or DMK, before he fell out with Karunanidhi and floated his own outfit, AIADMK.)
More than anybody else, Annadurai, the former chief minister and DMK founder, a charismatic leader in his own right, understood the MGR phenomenon clearly.
Unparalleled Charisma
Three incidents serve to underscore this point:
*The year could have been 1964 or thereabouts. Annadurai, a leader who himself had caught the imagination of the public in the state, was travelling with a couple of his party workers in a car, and some locals near Tindivanam stopped the vehicle, seeing the DMK flag fluttering on it.
The unassuming villagers peeped into the car, and looking at the leaders in their starchy whites, seeming important and impressive, asked Annadurai, "Ayya, neenga MGR katchhiya? (Sir, do you belong to the party of MGR?)"
Anna, who was the mentor to MGR, couldn't hide his laughter, and turned to his party workers, "See, this is the pull and power of his (MGR's) popularity."
*The year was 1966. The occasion was a huge DMK conference at Virugambakkam, Chennai. MGR on stage announced Rs 3 lakh as his contribution to the party. (This was a whopping amount in those days.) Anna, who takes the microphone after MGR, says MGR can keep the Rs 3 lakh to himself and that more important to the party is the more than 30 lakh votes that would come to the party because of MGR.
*The year 1967. The DMK, under the leadership of Anna, had just spectacularly romped to power in Tamil Nadu. A bunch of young party leaders go to meet Anna and garland him on the sensational victory.
Anna tells them that if at all somebody needs to be garlanded, it has to be MGR, who was then admitted to Royapettah Government Hospital after being shot by fellow actor M R Radha.
Anna's continuous backing of MGR was what made Karunanidhi bitter, and the latter tried to plot MGR's dismissal from the party several times, even when Anna was alive.
But after Anna's death, Karunanidhi eventually expelled MGR from the DMK, and the latter floated the AIADMK, a party that went on to do far better than its parent outfit. Then again, it is a rare thing in Indian politics.
MGR's popularity was undiminished all through his life. But it speaks volumes about his hold over the public sentiment that there has been no real slip-up in his appeal, even after his passing away.
Immediately after his death in 1987, MGR was awarded the Bharat Ratna in 1988, a decision that was palpably influenced by the then-Rajiv Gandhi government with an eye on the 1989 election.
Rajiv Gandhi did not come back to power, but sure enough, his government's decision did work in Tamil Nadu: the Congress and the AIADMK, which were in an alliance then, swept 38 of the 39 seats in the state.
The decision to give Bharat Ratna to MGR was, in principle, wrong. But politically, it paid the Congress (and the AIADMK) good dividends.
MGR, as a politician, was always on top. But before being awarded the Bharat Ratna, his performance as the chief minister had to be taken into account. Analysts concur that this is where he comes up short. He had a great social vision. He was truly a man for the underdogs. His empathy for them was natural. But his good work, especially in the social sector and noon meal schemes, was undone by his favouritism, corruption, and nepotism in other flanks.
MGR’s Political Equity
The public never really bothered about MGR's chequered performance as the chief minister. MGR was voted to power for three straight terms — a record unmatched in the history of Tamil Nadu.
He won the last term from a hospital bed in America. The overwhelming outpouring of love and warmth for him by the public in the state during the days when he was in hospital is something extraordinary. He knew how to control the messaging through a pliant media. He used his image from his screen days and perpetuated that myth.
His fame living on is a cinch. But how much of it is politically valuable to his party, now helmed by Edappadi Palaniswamy?
The young voters, whose numbers keep increasing, have no real idea of MGR (as much as they have no clue about most things and people from the past). But it is here that the real political reality of Tamil Nadu has to be understood. It is also equally a fact that the current generation of leaders in the AIADMK are no patch on him or Jayalalithaa. They just don’t have that mettle.
"That is why, in the present scheme of things," says Bharat Kumar, "MGR's legacy is not just a relic of the past but a living, breathing influence that shapes the political landscape of the state.”
MGR's political philosophy was deeply rooted in the uplift of the poor. His government introduced several pioneering schemes, including the Midday Meal Scheme, which provided nutritious meals for school children.
This initiative not only improved school attendance but also addressed malnutrition among children. Such welfare measures have left an indelible mark on the state's political culture.
That is why, despite the passage of time, the AIADMK keeps bringing up his name. In contrast, the DMK hardly goes back to Anna (as much as it does to EVR, even though he was never a part of the party). Karunanidhi's name is relevant in DMK's scheme of things only because his son and grandson are calling the shots in the party. Even the Congress hardly whips up emotions pertaining to Nehru or Indira. They are not all that politically appropriate to the time.
On the other hand, MGR's relative relevance remains intact. The generational shift in the electorate has not diminished his influence. That is why MGR's name has not become a historical footnote in Tamil Nadu politics. It remains a symbol of welfare, charisma, and enduring influence.
His name, even if not his ideals and vision, continue to impact the state's politics, ensuring that his legacy remains germane for generations to come.