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Census 1931: Why It’s Relevant Now More Than Ever

  • The 1931 census, which examined India through the prism of caste and community, can shed light on whether today’s caste-based education system is legitimate and headed in the right direction.

Shrikanth KrishnamacharyJul 15, 2018, 01:55 PM | Updated 01:55 PM IST
Year 1931 was the last time a census exercise examined India through the prism of caste and community.

Year 1931 was the last time a census exercise examined India through the prism of caste and community.


Independent India conducted its first census in 1951. However, this was not novel given that census exercises have been conducted every decade starting from 1870s. The last “proper” census conducted in British India was in 1931, as the one in 1941 was badly hampered by war.

The 1931 census is a very significant document and worthy of study, as it was the last time a census exercise examined India through the prism of caste and community – dimensions which have been taboo in census reports post-1951.

When we read the 1951 report, we learn that the Indian literacy rate was 18.3 per cent. But we do not know how that number varied by caste, nor do we know the interplay between caste, region, and gender.

To get insights into how Indian literacy levels varied by these factors, the best we can do is to dig deep into the 1931 census – a remarkable document with a wealth of information that has been denied to us post-1951 for better or worse.


Before we start looking at literacy rates, we must first understand how the report in 1931 defined "literacy". This report said a literate person was someone who can write a letter, and also read an answer to it, in any language. Also the literacy rates were published based on the section of the population aged five and above.

So, based on these qualifiers, the literacy rate in British India back in 1931 was 9.5 per cent, translating into 28.1 million out of a total population of 296.3 million. The literacy rate was 15.6 per cent among men and 2.9 per cent among women.

How did literacy rates vary by region? Here's a quick look at the literacy rates in some major provinces:





It is clear that the two major religions were equally illiterate. But the religion grouping is not very insightful, particularly for Hindus, unless we slice the numbers by caste and region.

So let's turn to caste. This is by far the most interesting part of this census, for us today, given that it was the last census to track figures by caste.

Today, we have a very elaborate caste-based reservation system in India. Yet educational outcomes are not tracked by caste, which is unfortunate. So the best we can do is to go back to 1931, and see how communities stood in comparison to each other back then.


The 1931 census publishes the caste specific literacy rates by province, but it does not aggregate the castes across province. Nevertheless, for a few chosen castes, nationwide aggregation is undertaken. From this, we learn that the Brahmin literacy rate was about 27 per cent – 43.7 per cent among males and 9.6 per cent among females.

So, it is worth noting the Brahmin varna as an all-India grouping was 73 per cent illiterate in 1931.

Was the Brahmin literacy rate uniform across regions? Not quite.

The numbers in the ‘overall’ column are obtained by assuming an equal number of males and females as the sex ratio was not available for each caste.

The interesting thing here is that in the North Indian plain, which was home to a vast majority of Brahmins then (as now), the literacy rate was barely above 15 per cent, less than two times the national average literacy rate of 9.5 per cent! The literacy rate of 16 per cent among Brahmins in United Provinces was actually way lower than the approximately 30 per cent literacy of the entire provinces of Travancore and Cochin (with no caste filter applied).


To understand the interplay of caste and geography better, let's look at the literacy rates of major castes within each geographical area. We first pick Madras and Mysore provinces – the two areas where the “Brahmin edge” was the greatest.


Clearly there was an edge that Brahmins had in these provinces. This is less true in other provinces. Let’s look at Bombay and Bengal next.






In both United Provinces and Punjab, we see that Brahmin literacy is barely above 15 per cent. In UP, the Kayasth literacy rate is nearly thre times that of the Brahmins. In Punjab, the Khatris and Baniyas have much higher literacy rates than Brahmins.



It is clear that in terms of English literacy, the dominant groups were mainly a few select castes in Bengal and the South. The UP Brahmin English literacy rate in 1931 was only marginally higher than the all-India rate of 1.1 per cent.

Now an understandable reaction to all these numbers can be:

“Why dig up these 80-year-old figures in this day and age?”

The reason is, caste remains relevant in Indian public discourse and caste-based angst and perceived sense of ‘injustices’ drive our politics. So it becomes important to understand if the "enormous historical advantages" that are often talked about were real?


Here are some key takeaways from the study:

The traditional varna system was a poor guide to figure who was literate and who was not, back in 1931. Even the varna with the highest ‘ritual’ status (Brahman) was over 70 per cent illiterate. It is also true that several castes perceived to be high in the social hierarchy had very poor educational outcomes. Eg: Rajputs

However, at the same time, it would be dishonest to claim that caste was a non-factor. It was very much a factor, but it had to be studied in relation to geography and not in isolation.

The 1931 census remains fascinating, and requires a larger audience.

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