Media Bias Vs Resilience: The Story Of BJP's Rise In Kerala

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s growth in Kerala over the past two decades has been nothing short of remarkable. From securing around 5 per cent of the vote share in the 2009 elections, the party rose to nearly 20 per cent in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, culminating in its first-ever Lok Sabha seat win in Thrissur and leading in eleven assembly segments. 

The on-ground battle fought by BJP karyakartas is well documented — hundreds of them have sacrificed their lives to establish the party as a credible political force in Kerala. However, an aspect that often escapes attention is the substantial hurdle posed by the mainstream media in the state. 

The media, often called the ‘fourth pillar’ of democracy, has consistently portrayed the BJP through a highly biased lens, making the political landscape challenging for the party.

The bias in the Kerala media against the BJP and the larger right-wing ecosystem is not a new phenomenon. With the growing influence of social media, this bias has become even more evident. 

However, as the tide turned and the BJP clinched a victory, the jubilant atmosphere quickly vanished, replaced by an awkward silence. This transition from celebration to muted acceptance indicated the media’s misplaced exuberance and pronounced bias.

Another clear example of the media's partiality occurred when Asianet, a leading news channel in Kerala, hosted a debate following BJP State President K Surendran’s acquittal in the Manjeshwaram bribery case. Despite the court ruling that the case was baseless and politically motivated, Asianet’s coverage centred around Congress' accusations that the left government had colluded with the BJP to help Surendran escape justice. Strikingly, the debate proceeded without a representative from the BJP to present the party's side. It was a one-sided conversation that reflected not just journalistic oversight but an inherent bias against the BJP.

BJP State President K Surendran’s response to the allegations on X (formerly Twitter) criticised the media's lack of integrity, questioning why no BJP representative was invited to present their perspective during the debate. He emphasised the unethical nature of the debate, which featured only Congress representatives without a counterpoint from the BJP. The following day, he also held a press conference to explain his stance and present the facts, notably not telecasted by Asianet.

These challenges were not limited to the party leadership alone. Thrissur’s MP Suresh Gopi was also not immune to Kerala media’s biased journalism. Throughout his campaign in Kerala and even before that, he was targeted by the media, with accusations against him heaped on from all quarters.

During the 2024 campaign, Suresh Gopi faced several allegations, including a case of misbehaviour towards a female journalist, which became a significant point of contention. However, the allegations were widely perceived as politically motivated, while supporters and colleagues from the film industry rallied behind him. Many prominent personalities vouched for his integrity, highlighting that the charges lacked merit. Ultimately, the people of Thrissur dismissed these accusations, recognising the political undertones, and voted overwhelmingly to elect Suresh Gopi as their Member of Parliament, showcasing their trust in his leadership and character.

Another key BJP leader who faced significant challenges from the biased media was Smt. Shobha Surendran. During the 2024 elections, when she was putting up one of the most intense fights of her political career, media reports began circulating about an alleged rift between her and the party's state unit.

In multiple press conferences, Shobha Surendran responded emotionally to the allegations, tearfully stating that the reports were politically motivated and aimed at tarnishing her and her party’s reputation. She highlighted the systematic attempts to discredit her and the party's campaign through fabricated accusations. Shobha Surendran also accused certain media outlets of deliberately publishing misleading polls to portray her in a negative light, particularly in Alappuzha.

Kerala media's tendency to report fake news, such as what transpired in Alappuzha in 2024, has often been aimed at creating confusion within BJP cadres and fostering an impression of internal conflict. Whenever the BJP in Kerala experiences a rise in popularity, the media tends to release breaking news about an alleged organisational reshuffle. The primary purpose of these reports is to sow confusion and a sense of instability among Karyakartas.

It's not just biased and fake reporting that the BJP in Kerala has to contend with; often, right-wing or BJP-related news is entirely absent from mainstream television coverage. A notable example is the Sabarimala protests in 2018, which were initially downplayed by major news channels in the state. Only after the right-aligned channel Janam began extensively covering the protests and gaining viewership did other channels pick up the issue, driven by concerns over TRP ratings.

News items that align with the BJP's stance often receive minimal or no coverage. A recent example is the letter from the Syro-Malabar Church, the largest Catholic denomination in Kerala, backing amendments to the Waqf Act of 1995. The letter, dated 10 September 2024, was sent by the Archbishop of Thrissur, Mar Andrews Thazhath, in his capacity as Chairman of the Church's Public Affairs Commission. Despite the importance of this statement from a major religious institution, it received little to no coverage or discussion in the mainstream media.

In contrast, any statements from religious institutions critical of the BJP are typically highlighted as major news items. This selective reporting points to a broader challenge of media representation for the BJP in Kerala, where coverage often skews against the party and its supporters.

Another significant hurdle the BJP faces in Kerala is how the media consistently portrays the party, often ridiculing it insensitively. A striking example of this occurred in 2018, when Kummanam Rajasekharan, the then State President of Kerala BJP, was appointed as the Governor of Mizoram.

One of the oldest media houses in Kerala, Manorama, broke the news with the sarcastic caption, "Kummanam appointed as Governor (This is not a troll)." This insensitive portrayal symbolised how Kummanam, known for his saintly demeanour, was often the subject of satirical content across mainstream media platforms. His ‘sin,’ as some perceived it, was simply becoming the state president of the BJP.

The trend of mocking BJP leaders continued with his successors. Both PS Sreedharan Pillai and K Surendran were frequently targets of ridicule in the state's mainstream media.

It's not only Kerala BJP leaders who face biased media treatment, but national BJP leaders also often become targets of Kerala's TV debates and discussions. In these debates, panellists frequently resort to name-calling and making derogatory remarks about BJP’s national figures without much restraint.

A striking example occurred after the 2014 general election when a senior CPI(M) leader compared Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Adolf Hitler during a televised discussion. What stood out was the TV anchor's apparent approval, as he smiled through the comparison, implying tacit support for the claim.

Despite the relentless challenges posed by biased media, the BJP's growth in Kerala tells a story of remarkable perseverance and determination. Whether it is the malicious portrayal of state leaders, the lack of representation in televised debates, or the ridiculing of national figures, the BJP has faced an uphill battle unlike in any other state.

Yet, amidst such sustained adversity, the BJP's resolve to connect with the people of Kerala has not wavered. The party’s leadership and Karyakartas, driven by their resilience, commitment, and the support of the people, have steadily expanded the BJP’s presence, establishing it as a credible political force that is here to stay. 

(The opinions and views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of any organisation).