'A Homeland That Never Stops Bleeding, The Trauma That Keeps Returning' — Sunanda Vashisht On Pahalgam Attack

I'm just heartbroken. It has been a difficult time. We are all children of conflict. PTSD revisits us often, and this trauma returns repeatedly. It's very difficult to sleep at night, thinking about what happened in Pahalgam.

Just three days before this attack, my mother and I were talking—she has never been back to Kashmir since we were thrown out (during the Kashmiri Pandits exodus in the late 1980s and early 1990s), nor have I. I only visit Jammu and return. She said, "Maybe I can go and see my house once. Maybe you can take me." I told her, "We'll see. The house is occupied now." She said, "No, I'll just look at it from a distance."

Three days later, this happened, and now she told me, "It's okay. I probably will not see my home in my lifetime." That's what happens, says Sunanda Vashisht, a political commentator who is a Kashmiri Hindu, on the What This Means podcast. (Listen to the full episode here)

Here are five key highlights from the conversation that answers, when will attack end in the valley, should Hindus go to Kashmir for tourism, should elections have ever happened in Kashmir.

1. Pahalgam Terrorists Were Clearly Pakistan-Trained

As somebody who studies terrorism, my first thought was to understand why an attack happens this way. I was thinking that typically it would be easiest to hurl a bomb. This was a meadow, and there was nowhere for people to hide. There was nowhere for people to go. This was like Kashmir's Jallianwala Bagh in that sense because there was just one gate where you entered from, and on the other side, it was a closed meadow. On the other side was heavily forested.

The easiest thing, if they wanted civilian casualties, would have been to hurl a bomb or throw a grenade. They would have killed the same number of people or maybe more. That would have been easy. Or they could have conducted a fidayeen attack, which is a suicide bombing. Pulwama was a fidayeen attack. That is another level in the terrorism hierarchy. Lobbing a grenade is the lowest kind of attack. Using assault rifles to kill indiscriminately is another level. Fidayeen attacks are yet another level.

The highest level, where their most talented or really trained Mujahideen go, is when they round up people and conduct a sort of inquisition. An inquisition was conducted in the Pahalgam case where they asked, "Are you Hindus or are you Muslims?" Their identity cards were checked, and in many cases when a victim did not speak up, their pants were pulled down.

They were also asked to recite Kalma, which is the Islamic prayer. Obviously, most people could not. What were they trying to do? They were not just trying to kill. They were trying to humiliate us. When the women, mothers, and children said, "Kill us too. Why are you leaving us alone?" They replied, "Go tell Modi."

This was so well planned, so well organised. This could only have come from their best-trained mujahideen. It's not easy for four people to round up 27 people out of 300-500 people who were there. We still don't have the exact number; they say in two days a thousand people went there.

So rounding up all those people, separating men from women and children, then conducting an inquisition and killing them — this requires high-level training. These are not ordinary people at all.

My initial assessment is that they were not trained in the usual camps because I know the terrorist camps and what kind of terrorists they produce. This was not that level. They were trained by Pakistani Army and ISI operatives. This level of sophistication is not possible in a terrorist camp in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

I was numb when I first heard the news of the Pahalgam attack. Because I have seen so many massacres — Sangrampora, Chittisinghpura, Wandhama. We've seen massacres after massacres. But never of tourists. People who were visiting only for leisure and were supposed to return in three or four days. Never at such a level of tourists because that was considered a red zone until now, even for terrorists.

I think their handlers wanted to attack tourists for a long time, but they were worried about local sentiment because locals earn from tourism — the pony-wala, boat-wala, fruit-wala, and food vendors. To avoid turning public sentiment against them, tourists were off-limits. But that changed, and I've been researching why that changed and why they stopped caring about public sentiment on the ground.

2. In Kashmir, Terror Never Paused — The Targets Remain the Same: Soldiers And Hindus

The attacks never ended in the valley. Pulwama happened on February 14, 2019. And then after that, we had August 5, when the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A happened.

In the Pulwama 2019 attack, 40 were dead. Then we had the Srinagar police vehicle ambush where three died in the same year. Then the Rajouri IED blast in 2022, where five died. Then Poonch in 2022, five dead. Rajouri army vehicle attack, four dead. Rajouri 2023, another attack, four dead. Kathua army convoy attack in 2024, five dead. And then the Reasi bus attack in June 2024 with pilgrims going to Shivkori Mandir; nine died. And now, 26 dead in the Pahalgam attack.

All these attacks have happened in between, but most of these attacks, other than the Shivkori incident where nine pilgrims died when the bus fell into a gorge after a blast, were directed towards security forces.

After Pulwama, this seems like a huge event. I've been saying that small incidents— like two people dead here, three people dead there— have been happening all along, and people who follow Kashmir closely were aware, but ordinary people only pay attention when a major event happens. Many thought terrorism had died down or been eradicated in Kashmir. We knew it hadn't. I have always said that peace in Kashmir is merely a time between two violent periods.

When things became difficult for terrorists after 2019, they regrouped and developed new strategies. They found ways to inflict greater pain and target civilians rather than just security forces. In these five years, new shell companies of jihadis emerged. The Resistance Front (TRF), which is a front for Lashkar-e-Taiba (Hafiz Saeed's group), has been taking responsibility for attacks.

The reason Lashkar-e-Taiba created this front is because they are now a banned organisation, and they want to show that TRF is somehow a homegrown terrorist organisation so Pakistan cannot be blamed.

Second, Hamas radicals who never operated outside the Middle East until now joined a common meeting with jihadis, including Lashkar-e-Taiba, Hizbul Mujahideen, and Jaish-e-Mohammed, in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir last year.

It must have taken two or three years of lobbying and work to bring these groups together. What we saw was the culmination of this collaboration between Hamas and the jihadi terrorists in Pakistan.

Hamas, as you know, specialises in attacking civilians. They rarely attack military installations or military targets. They target civilians. They must have taught these techniques to the Kashmir terrorists. That's why the approach has changed—they're now attacking civilians to inflict major pain on India. The Nazi-style execution with inquisition and checking religious identity came from Hamas's playbook.

Another thing they did was conduct attacks in the Jammu area over the last two to three years. We were wondering why nothing was happening in the Valley and everything was happening in Jammu. Now we know why — they were distracting us. They were distracting the security forces, trying to indicate they had moved their base. But the fact is they were planning this civilian attack all along.

3. Kashmir’s Bloodshed Will Only End When Its People Choose Peace

Religion comes before anything else for people who support or help these terrorists in the valley. This has been happening for 700 years in Kashmir. It's the same psychology. It's correct that such attacks are not possible without local support. In fact, terrorism itself is not possible without local support.

Only a few people actually pick up weapons, not the entire population. So how do they succeed? Because there's support from locals who don't personally take up arms. There's a network of people who assist.

Any security forces will tell you that it's easiest to deal with those who have picked up guns. They're most concerned about the underground and overground supporters, called OGWs (Overground Workers). This is where terrorism needs to be defeated. Those who pick up guns know they will be killed, and security forces know they won't survive long. But it's the network of supporters that must be dismantled. In Kashmir, that network clearly hasn't been eliminated. It still exists.

While it's true that locals benefitted from prosperity during the last five years of central rule, with Srinagar bustling with tourists and economic activity, people walking around eating ice cream at midnight—things had improved. But as I said, peace in Kashmir is temporary. We mistook a lull for permanent peace.

Money also plays a role. When terrorists come and stay in someone's home or use their phones, they pay. For a poor local, when these "guests" arrive, they might say, "Make biryani; we'll give you money; let's feast." I heard this from a local journalist who was reporting on the ground. These are recruitment techniques—they provide money, and they also use religious ideology, convincing people they're fighting for Islam.

Kashmir's problem would have been resolved long ago if the local population had collectively turned against terrorism. How did terrorism die in Punjab? Because local people rejected the Khalistanis. That's how it happened—local support evaporated. Khalistani elements now operate from Canada and London, not Punjab. In the 1980s and 1990s, in Punjab, people had taken up arms against terrorists. That's how that battle was won.

In Kashmir, that hasn't happened. I'm not impressed by candle marches or televised apologies. The question is: in your daily interactions, do you clearly say to terrorists, "You will not get support from us," as Punjabis did? They're holding candle marches now because they're worried about police and army operations and that people will be picked up for interrogation. They're concerned about crackdowns and what will happen to their livelihoods, worried that tourists won't come anymore.

I don't need apologies or symbolic gestures. I don't need that sympathy. I need them to confront these terrorists and say, "We will resist you if you try to destroy our lives." That hasn't happened. I'm not impressed by the current displays.

4. Should Elections Have Ever Happened In Kashmir?

I told you earlier, before the J&K election date was announced, that I didn't favour elections. I didn't think they should have happened. While it's true that the central government hasn't relinquished control over security — the state government hasn't even established a system for division of power yet, and the Chief Minister's office isn't in control of security at all — what happened during elections was that it created a different political climate.

People had stopped protesting or coming out on the streets. During elections, it becomes acceptable for people to express views that might otherwise be considered inappropriate. In other states, such rhetoric is forgotten after elections, but in Kashmir, that didn't happen. I was worried about this.

For example, an MP from Srinagar called the arrival of non-local tourists to Kashmir a "cultural invasion". When criticised, he claimed he was only referring to tourists who drink alcohol, as if Kashmiris themselves don't consume alcohol, which is false—plenty is consumed behind closed doors in Kashmir.

These voices emerged during elections when authorities had to allow people to gather and address large groups. I think security forces took a step back, allowing people to congregate, and in that process, some mistakes happened. For instance, it took 45 minutes for reinforcements to reach the meadow. The terrorists had chosen the location well—it's not accessible by motorised vehicles.

5. Should Hindus Go Or Not Go To Kashmir For tourism?

Tough times ahead. The template has changed. It takes a long time to build trust and a sense of safety. After an attack, there's a safety deficit. That's how terrorism succeeds—by creating fear. It takes significant time to convince people they'll be safe, because ultimately security can't be provided to every individual. This is why Kashmiri Pandits haven't returned in large numbers—they know security can't be with them in every home.

Now that sense of safety has been severely damaged. It won't be easy for many people to visit Kashmir again. It won't be easy for Kashmiri Pandits to consider returning. All that trust-building work must start over. I have no doubt the government has spoken firmly and will adopt tough measures against Pakistan. But the fear that's been created won't be erased quickly. It will take many more years for people to feel comfortable visiting Kashmir again. This will traumatise people for a long time.

For me, Kashmir ceased to be beautiful a long time ago. It's my home, and I love it more than any place in the world, but it ceased being beautiful because its soil screams of betrayal, its air screams of violence, and its water has turned bloody. It's difficult for me to see beauty in what others see.

The land has been cursed with the blood that has been spilled on it. It's no longer the land of Acharya Abhinav Gupta, Sharangadeva, or where Adi Shankaracharya wrote Saundarya Lahari. We still have to reclaim it.

I understand those who say, "We don't want to let it go. This is our land." I can't stop anyone from going, but I want to tell visitors not to follow the usual tourist routes. If you really want to go to Kashmir, don't forget its original character and faith.

As Hindu tourists, if you truly want to reclaim that place, please visit the thousands of dilapidated temples there. Visit the abandoned Hindu homes; see that part of Kashmir. Otherwise, tourist operators only show you the sanitised parts—Gulmarg, Pahalgam, Sonamarg, Khilanmarg, the gardens—all beautiful but sanitised attractions.

I'm telling Hindu tourists that if you're going in the spirit of reclamation, tell your tour operators that you want to visit the abandoned homes of Kashmiri Pandits, the dilapidated Hindu shrines, and the broken temples. That's how reclamation happens. Otherwise, if you're just visiting for leisure, you're potentially funding those who might harm you later.