Politics

Arvind Kejriwal's Public Display Of Hinduness Seems More Natural Than Rahul Gandhi's, But Hollow Compared To Modi

  • From questioning the role of temples in national development to heading to the Ram Mandir along with colleagues, Arvind Kejriwal has altered his politics as per convenience.

Sharan SettyJan 16, 2025, 05:10 PM | Updated Jan 17, 2025, 03:07 PM IST
Aam Aadmi Party national convenor Arvind Kejriwal at an event in Delhi. (AAP/X)

Aam Aadmi Party national convenor Arvind Kejriwal at an event in Delhi. (AAP/X)


A decade ago, Arvind Kejriwal's rise meant many things to his supporters: an anti-corruption crusader who would not shy away from taking the names of the rich and the powerful; a seemingly secular leader who would don neither the saffron shawl nor the skull cap; an 'honest' leader emerging from civil society who would carry out intense scrutiny of prospective candidates before handing them the nomination ticket of his outfit, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

Much has changed since then.

Today, depending on his audience, Kejriwal is attempting to project Ambedkarism, Hindutva, and handout populism. His strategy of introducing soft Hindutva and populism as a political combine seems to be fending off the BJP's attempts to dislodge the current dispensation in Delhi.

'Kejriwal Loves Hindus' — From A Distance?

In the last few years, Kejriwal has subtly but significantly incorporated public displays of Hinduness into the performance of his politics. This calculated shift reflects a nuanced approach aimed at broadening his appeal without alienating key voting blocs.

One cornerstone of Kejriwal’s political calculus is his relatively secure position with Delhi’s Muslim electorate. As long as AAP remains the primary alternative to the BJP in Delhi, Muslim voters — historically wary of the BJP — will stay with the AAP. This conditional assurance has afforded him the political leeway to adopt a more visible Hindu 'identity' without jeopardising his support among Muslims.

For instance, during the contentious Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests in 2020, Kejriwal maintained a measured stance. While AAP members like Amanatullah Khan and Atishi criticised the BJP over the law, Kejriwal avoided overt engagement with protest sites like Shaheen Bagh. This synthetic 'neutrality' made sure that he was not seen sitting in protest with blatant Islamists, even as his party colleagues signalled their solidarity with them.

Not only this, Kejriwal even challenged Home Minister Amit Shah to arrest Sharjeel Islam who called to break Assam and the north-east from India.

After learning his lesson for 'demanding proof of surgical strikes' in 2016, Kejriwal went on to openly support the abrogation of Article 370 in Kashmir and even on the Citizenship Amendment Act, he opposed it on the basis that it will be an economic burden on the country.

A Delhi-Specific Phenomenon?

In Delhi, the public expression of Hindu identity differs markedly from states like Uttar Pradesh or Tamil Nadu. While in Uttar Pradesh Hindutva issues often warrant large-scale mobilisation on the ground, and Dravidian politics frames religion within cultural and linguistic identities, Delhi’s multicultural, multi-linguistic, urban, and migrant-dominant setting means that there is no bonafide 'Delhi tradition' of Hinduism.

In such a scenario, various cultural groups either bring their ethnic practices to Delhi or the most practically feasible rituals assume the role of popular Hindu culture.

Kejriwal’s embrace of Hinduness fits this context. His visits to temples, invocation of Lord Hanuman during public speeches, and promises like free pilgrimages to Ayodhya for senior citizens are symbolic gestures aimed at resonating with Delhi’s middle-class Hindu voters.

Unlike Uttar Pradesh, where the threshold for coming across as a 'Hindu leader' is much higher, especially in the time of Yogi Adityanath, Kejriwal's calculated display of Hinduness seems to be returning the expected results for him.

The Evolution of Kejriwal's 'Hinduness'


This was a stark contrast to his earlier stance, where he appeared cautious about aligning with religious symbolism. For instance, in reference to the Ram Janmabhoomi temple in Ayodhya, Kejriwal once cited his grandmother’s advice against visiting temples built on 'disputed land.' Yet, in February 2024, he became the only opposition leader to visit the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, signalling a shift in his approach.

Kejriwal has also integrated religious symbolism into government programmes. The Delhi government’s annual arrangements for kanwariyas and promises of free pilgrimages for Hindus were perhaps his way to weave Hinduness into AAP’s public image. To this effect, in the run-up to the 2022 Gujarat Assembly elections, which the AAP contested with seriousness, the party demanded that Indian currency notes should carry the images of Hindu Gods and Goddesses.

Simultaneously, Kejriwal distanced himself from anti-Hindu narratives, such as when his government supported the renaming of Aurangzeb Road to Abdul Kalam Road and advocated for laws against forced religious conversions.

Kejriwal's recent speeches have frequent mentions of “Ram Rajya” and he often links his policy initiatives — such as mohalla clinics, free electricity, and quality education — to this vision.

Kejriwal Seems More Believable, Rahul Doesn't?

Kejriwal’s strategy regarding the display of Hinduness sharply contrasts with that of Congress leader Rahul GandhiGandhi’s temple visits, particularly during election campaigns, have often been criticised as opportunistic and choreographed. Adding to this perception is Rahul Gandhi’s apparent unease in Hindu sacred spaces.

Kejriwal’s display of Hinduness, in contrast, appears more organic. While Rahul Gandhi speaks of his superior understanding of Hindu philosophy over the RSS, Kejriwal performs Diwali pooja with his wife at home or recites the Hanuman Chalisa on camera — reflecting how most practising Hindus in Delhi live. Kejriwal's approach to ‘Hinduness’ thus feels more natural and relatable compared to Gandhi's.

AAP’s grassroots organisational structure has also played a crucial role in amplifying Kejriwal’s Hinduness. Local volunteers and leaders often emphasise the party’s 'pro-Hindu' initiatives during community outreach programmes. This decentralised approach allows AAP to tailor its messaging to specific constituencies.

Comparison with Modi and the BJP, however, paints a different picture. Here, the alleged involvement of AAP's Muslim leaders in the 2020 Delhi arson resurfaces — an issue often raised by the BJP but sidestepped by the Congress.

Contradictions And Challenges

Despite its apparent success, Kejriwal’s strategy is not without contradictions. While he publicly embraces a Hindu identity in Delhi, his party’s alliances and actions in other states tell a different story.

In Punjab, AAP’s alleged ties with elements of Sikh extremism raise serious concerns, sparking debates about their implications for national security.

Moreover, Kejriwal’s past actions, such as opposing the CAA and questioning the Ram Mandir, continue to fuel scepticism about his sincerity. A 2022 clip of Kejriwal laughing off the demand to make The Kashmir Files tax-free in Delhi went viral, bringing much notoriety to the AAP convenor.

As Delhi heads into an Assembly election, AAP's apparent embrace of Hinduness is back in discussion. The next milestone in this story might emerge if the BJP, Modi, or a Delhi BJP leader significantly raise the threshold of Hinduness — from symbolic displays to delivering real-world gains to the Hindu electorate.

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