Chautala Vs Hooda: INLD Needs Jats, But Do Jats Need INLD Now?

Rohtak, the unofficial headquarters of the Haryana section of Jatland, witnessed yet another round of the ongoing contest between the families of former Deputy Prime Minister Chaudhary Devi Lal and senior Congress leader Bhupinder Singh Hooda.

The renewed rivalry between Abhay Singh Chautala, grandson of Chaudhary Devi Lal, and Bhupinder Singh Hooda exemplifies the continuing struggle for Jat support at a time when the community seeks a stable political affiliation.

Chautala vs Hooda

Abhay Singh Chautala, the President of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), has accused Hooda of compromising the interests of the Indian National Congress (INC) for personal gain. On 29 September 2025, Chautala said that Hooda does not want any Haryana INC leader to emerge as a contender against his son Deepender Singh Hooda. He alleged this is why leaders such as Rao Inderjit, Birender Singh, Kuldeep Bishnoi, and Kiran Choudhary were sidelined.

In a sustained critique over the past months, he claimed that Hooda acted in concert with the BJP by nominating sixteen underwhelming candidates to secure protection from alleged corruption charges. He emphasised this charge ahead of a massive rally organised on the 112th birth anniversary of his grandfather.

After Narendra Singh, a non-Jat leader, was appointed State INC President on Hooda’s recommendation, INLD revived old charges of cash-for-change in land use (CLU) against him. The CD in which Singh discussed a multi-crore deal for CLU was first released by Abhay Singh Chautala in 2013.

Targeting Hooda in Rohtak provides Chautala with a strategic advantage, allowing him to occupy the gradually vacating space in Jat politics. His grandfather, Chaudhary Devi Lal, whose appeal extended across North India, is regarded as one of the most prominent figures among Jats. In 1989, he secured victory in the Rohtak Lok Sabha seat, previously consolidated by Bhupinder’s father Ranbir Singh Hooda in the 1950s.

Chaudhary Devi Lal later resigned from this seat in favour of the Sikar constituency in Rajasthan, after which he could not return as an MP. Bhupinder Singh Hooda defeated him three times in Rohtak, consolidating Jats under his influence. This explains why his son Deepender Singh Hooda is seen as the natural political heir.

Senior Hooda remained the only leader holding the fort when the BJP and its allies began replacing the INC in the 1990s. His struggle and proximity to the Gandhi family enabled him to secure chief ministerial positions, even when the INC projected Bhajan Lal as its face in 2005.

Politics of Jatland

With the rise of the Hoodas, INLD began to decline, while the BJP experienced a resurgence after the 2014 assembly elections. The INLD’s poor performance and internal disenfranchisement, combined with the BJP’s Jat-versus-others strategy and Hooda’s manoeuvring, deepened divisions within the party, eventually leading to the formation of the Jannayak Janta Party (JJP) in 2018.

Under Dushyant Chautala, son of Ajay Singh Chautala and nephew of Abhay Singh Chautala, the JJP won ten seats on an anti-BJP campaign in the 2019 Assembly Elections. Despite this platform, the JJP became a coalition partner, with Dushyant appointed Deputy Chief Minister. Coalition obligations prevented the JJP from freely expressing dissent on issues such as the farmers’ protest and wrestlers’ protest, which were widely observed.

In the 2024 Assembly Elections, the JJP’s performance plummeted from ten to zero seats, with none of its candidates able to retain their deposits. Observers were surprised, while the BJP secured a majority of its own. JJP’s decline allowed Hooda to claim near-unilateral control over Jat voters across the state.

Although the BJP won fourteen seats while INC secured only ten, the former’s fielding of non-Jat candidates reportedly angered the Jat community. Hooda therefore continues to be seen as the traditional voice of Jats. However, post-election, Hooda’s supremacy has given way to complacency.

The perception of him as a compromised leader is gaining traction, weakening his image further, as Jats hold contempt for those showing subservience. Additionally, the Hooda family has become increasingly inaccessible in recent years, with very few leaders able to communicate with them. This is a significant reason why INC leaders have joined INLD in recent months.

His son, Deepender Singh Hooda, though a successful parliamentarian, is unlikely to emerge as the Jats’ primary representative, as he lacks the agitative style often associated with their leaders.

Jats, a primarily agrarian and martial community, draw their political and cultural inspiration from tales of courage, defiance, and uncompromising honour. Their worldview respects bravery and scorns half measures.

“When it comes to politics, they gravitate towards leaders who embody decisiveness and assertiveness rather than quiet diplomacy. This temperament naturally aligns them with street-level mobilisation and confrontational, agitational politics, where pride, visibility, and symbolic assertion often matter as much as policy or ideology,” said Arunoday Gupta, a consultant.

Abhay Singh Chautala understands this fully, explaining his extensive travels over the past year, especially following the death of his father, Om Prakash Chautala. The principle of uncompromising honour was evident even during O. P. Chautala’s lifetime, when Ajay Singh Chautala, as JJP chief, offered to rejoin INLD.

Ajay was rebuked as a ‘traitor’ by Abhay. “Earlier, too, Chautala sahab made it clear many times that they have nothing to do with us. They are traitors and they backstabbed the party. They betrayed Chautala sahab," said Abhay.

INLD attempts to revive

Chautala also advocated for the return of old party workers. This was a key motive behind his decision to visit all ninety assembly constituencies in the state. Throughout his Yatra, Chautala and his team prioritised workers over fence-sitters, gaining momentum with the slogan ‘One booth, ten Youth’.

By the end of July 2025, Chautala announced that the party had achieved 90 per cent of its target, enrolling nearly five lakh new members across Haryana and forming over a dozen new cells.

These developments set the stage for the grand rally on Chaudhary Devi Lal’s anniversary. Although the ‘Samman rally’ is an annual event, the absence of O. P. Chautala and recent organisational activities added new dimensions. With only two MLAs from the family, the rally aimed to rally old workers and potential defectors from other parties.

On 25 September 2025, Abhay Chautala was ceremonially tied with a 331-metre-long turban, prepared by Khaps. He vowed to remove both BJP and INC from Haryana’s political map and promised free electricity, jobs, and the elimination of corruption.

Attacking the Hoodas in their bastion, Chautala said, “In 2019, the people had made up their mind to throw BJP out of power, but the Jannayak Janta Party, winning ten MLAs in the name of Chaudhary Devi Lal, betrayed the people of the State and helped the BJP form the government. The JJP was wiped out this time. But the father-son duo helped BJP form its government for the third time.”

The rally saw higher than usual attendance, and local media reported significant online participation.

For other political parties, the rally was notable for its high-profile attendees, including Shiromani Akali Dal president Sukhbir Singh Badal, former Lok Sabha MP K. Kavitha, Jammu and Kashmir Deputy CM Surinder Choudhary, and former Haryana finance minister Professor Sampat Singh, who shared the dais.

Sampat Singh was the most controversial attendee before the rally, amid rumours of re-defection from INC to INLD. Singh, a devotee of Devi Lal, has a history of switching sides after his death. The rally, projected as a revival of Devi Lal’s legacy, was seen as an official announcement of his homecoming.

During his speech, Singh appealed to the audience to strengthen Chautala to promote Devi Lal’s ideology. He also criticised his party members for worrying about defections to INLD. Later, he denied joining INLD but criticised the party’s decisions, including the appointment of Rao Narendra Singh as president of the state INC unit.

Anatomy of Jat votes and problems for INLD

Even though INLD is known for organising successful rallies, the 2025 version brought renewed organisational energy and a nostalgic appeal to reconnect with Jat and farmer identity. However, considering Haryana’s growth over the past thirty years, INLD may need to adjust its strategy.

Jats are the primary target of INLD, but the Jats of the pre-1990s differ from those in the third decade of the 21st century. Land ownership and agrarian influence have facilitated their quick transition from farm to factory.

Large parts of western and southern Haryana are now driven by real estate, logistics, and service-sector aspirations. Decades of urbanisation, upward financial mobility, social change, and intra-Jat political divisions have produced younger Jats who prioritise strengthening their own households before political engagement.

Far from the traditional agrarian image, Jats today are salaried professionals, entrepreneurs, real estate brokers, IT employees, and consultants. They remain connected to their farmlands, reflecting the camaraderie, brotherhood, and community ethos rooted in shared survival and cultural preservation.

Identity consciousness is a major factor. Self-gained leverage, minimal state interference, and a strong work ethic have reinforced a larger Hindu identity, especially after the Muzaffarnagar riots.

This explains why, even if BJP appears anti-Jat, its larger appeal in uniting communities under the Sanatani umbrella resonates with younger Jats. Nationalism is another factor, as seen in the 2019 general elections.

Their unease with BJP emerges more during state assembly elections. Taking on the BJP during state elections demonstrates Jat confidence in their political influence. They have internalised the power of mobilisation, often acting independently.

As one consultant noted, “Once a community learns the power of getting its job done while in opposition, it is the party that needs the community, not the other way around. Jats have learnt to get their demands fulfilled from anyone.”

This poses a challenge for Abhay Singh Chautala. The political struggle of the last three and a half decades, combined with economic advancement, has made Jats a mobile political class. They retain the power to shift allegiances when necessary. To secure loyal support, any political party must instil confidence that it will never compromise the community’s interests.

BJP has demonstrated how non-Jat politics can succeed in Haryana by forming coalitions with other communities. Consolidating only Jats may not yield the desired results for INLD or any other party.

INLD faces the complex task of securing Jat support while also bringing other communities on board.