Class Interests And Geographic Limits: Why Maharashtra’s Language Politics Isn’t Like The South’s

The recent Marathi-Hindi language controversy in Maharashtra has evolved from a simple government resolution about third-language teaching. This derives from a directive issued by the Maharashtra School Education Department on April 16, 2025 which mandated the introduction of Hindi as the third language in all Marathi-, and English-medium schools under the Maharashtra State Board for Classes 1 to 5, starting from the 2025-26 academic year.

To some extent the current agitation stems from genuine demographic concerns that fuel Marathi linguistic activism. According to the 'Language Atlas Of India 2011' published by India's census authority, Maharashtra presents a stark picture of linguistic density patterns.

While most of the state shows a pale creamish shade, indicating lower Hindi speaker density, the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) displays significantly darker shades, revealing a higher concentration of Hindi speakers.

Some people fear Marathi-speakers being outnumbered in their own state capital. This anxiety is backed by census data showing that in Mumbai city as of 2011, Marathi speakers comprised 45 per cent of the population, while Hindi speakers accounted for 20 per cent, and Gujarati speakers another 20 per cent.

The demographic shift becomes more pronounced when examining growth rates. The decadal growth rate of Hindi-speakers significantly exceeds that of Marathi speakers, creating a palpable fear among the Marathi-speaking population about losing political and cultural dominance in their homeland.

While eight states identify Hindi as their official language, languages like Marathi, Kannada, or Tamil are confined to their home states alone. This fuels the demand for due respect and protection of their language.

The Case Of Maharashtra Is Different From Tamil Nadu, Karnataka

Unlike the pan-state linguistic identity movements in Tamil Nadu or Karnataka, Maharashtra's language politics operates within unique constraints. The state has never developed a unified Marathi asmita (pride) comparable to Tamil Nadu's strong Tamil identity or Karnataka's Kannada consciousness.

In Maharashtra, regional and caste identities precede linguistic identity. The dominant ruling class, primarily comprising Marathas, tends to reconcile their political interests with the business interests of other non-Marathi businessmen, including in significant numbers those belonging to the Gujarati and Marwadi communities. This pragmatic approach contrasts sharply with the more rigid linguistic positions taken in southern states.

Historically, Maharashtra’s aspirations have been national rather than regional. The state takes pride in its prominent role in Indian history, particularly during the era of the Maratha Confederacy.

From the time of Shivaji Maharaj, Maharashtra’s rulers reflected a pan-Indian vision: 'liberating Kashi, Mathura, Ayodhya'. This is also seen in the letters sent by the Peshwa to the Maratha nobles stationed in the north.

Even in the north, people tend to forget that Jhansi ki Rani was Marathi. Gwalior, Indore, and Dhar were all Maratha states. Even Etawah, which is now in focus because of the Yadav-Brahmin rivalry in Uttar Pradesh, was once upon a time a Maratha thana.

This national outlook has helped Maharashtra avoid the divisive regional tendencies observed in certain other parts of the country.

The linguistic activism in Maharashtra is also geographically limited. Unlike Tamil Nadu or Karnataka, where pro-language movements span the entire state, Maharashtra's linguistic clamour is primarily restricted to the Mumbai Metropolitan Region. Beyond the MMR, across the state's 36 districts, such linguistic tensions are barely visible.

Can Linguistic Politics Help In Gaining Votes In BMC Elections

The language row has emerged as a strategic tool in the upcoming municipal elections, particularly the BMC polls.

Initially, the controversy began when the Maharashtra government issued a resolution making Hindi mandatory as the third language from grade one. This decision was later modified to allow any Indian language as the third language, following widespread protests.

However, tensions reignited when it was discovered that Hindi textbooks were being prepared and printed in large quantities for grades one to five. The Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) and Shiv Sena (UBT) seized this opportunity, uniting against the ruling coalition and targeting the BJP for allegedly imposing Hindi in the state.

According to Krishna Dange, a journalist based in Mumbai, given Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’s understanding of state politics, this could also be a BJP strategy to consolidate non-Marathi voters behind it.

The political arithmetic reveals why this controversy matters. In BMC elections, voter turnout typically remains low, around 55-58 per cent. With Marathi speakers constituting about 35 per cent of those who declare it as their mother tongue (45 per cent of those who can speak it), vote splitting becomes crucial.

Linguistic politics primarily affects the Mumbai Metropolitan Region, where various linguistic groups coexist. From BJP's point of view the strategy appears to be designed to consolidate non-Marathi votes while potentially splitting Marathi votes among different parties.

And, even if Uddhav Thackrey's Shiv Sena and Raj Thackrey's MNS join hands to fight the municipal elections, the BJP appears to be the biggest beneficiary of this development. The fear created by MNS and Uddhav Sena's actions against non-Marathi speakers will likely consolidate non-Marathi votes toward the BJP. The party seems to understand that linguistic tensions won't intensify beyond the MMR, making it easier to manage.

The Marathi votes are bound get split among various parties like BJP, MNS - SS (UBT), VBA, etc, so, in the MMR, if the remaining 70-75 per cent non-Marathi votes come to BJP, this will help them.

For the MNS, the alliance offers a chance to regain lost ground. The party has been taking different ideological positions — from pro-Marathi to Hindutva (during the Vidhan Sabha elections) and now back to linguistic politics. With language politics, it is possible that MNS might recover some of its lost presence in Mumbai's civic bodies. Otherwise, MNS is on a declining trend.

MNS largely depends on converting sympathy into actual votes. While Raj Thackeray continues to draw good crowds for his rallies, this doesn't necessarily translate into electoral success.

For Uddhav Thackeray, the alliance presents a catch-22 situation. While it might prevent vote splitting among Marathi speakers, it also positions Raj Thackeray as the more authentic voice of Marathi interests. The Mahayuti's strategy of praising Raj while criticising Uddhav reinforces this narrative.

Uddhav's challenge lies in retaining traditional Shiv Sena bastions like Worli, Shivdi, Naigaon, Dadar, and Bhandup, where the real contest will be between his faction and the the Shiv Sena (led by Eknath Shinde). On the other hand, Uddhav Sena is also trying hard to not upset the Hindi speakers saying we are only against introducing Hindi for primary classes and not against the language that we ourselves speak fluently.

However, notably absent from the language debate is NCP chief Sharad Pawar, despite media typically seeking his opinion on major state issues.

Pawar's absence validates the pattern of Maharashtra's dominant ruling class remaining aloof from linguistic controversies. Historically, during the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti movement in 1960, the landed Maratha gentry stayed away from active participation, leaving the struggle to be led by working-class backgrounds and urban industrial workers.

Pawar's silence also reflects his past national political aspirations. He usually avoids taking positions that might alienate national-level political players. His party's name itself — Nationalist Congress Party — reflects these ambitions.

So, it's also possible that he might be trying to secure his daughter's future by ensuring that he doesn't completely oppose the BJP. Although he did send his daughter, Supriya Sule, to the rally which Uddhav and Raj had collectively organised at Azad Maidan in Mumbai.

Challenges For BJP In Municipal Elections

Unlike in West Bengal or Tamil Nadu, the outsider card against the BJP by the INDI alliance did not work in 2024 Maharashtra's assembly elections.

'This is because people are smart enough to understand that when any leader says these BJP leaders are working in the interests of the Gujaratis—don't vote for them—but the same leaders, like Uddhav Thackeray and his son, happily attend the wedding of the Ambanis, it rings hollow. Then you have video clips of Aaditya Thackeray dancing on stage along with other actors and celebrities. So, people know and are clever enough to understand that these kinds of allegations don't hold any merit.",' says Dange.

However, for the municipal elections, BJP does face significant challenges:

1. Performance Deficit: The BJP must convince voters of its better governance capabilities when the Shiv Sena has controlled the BMC for nearly three decades with disastrous results. The Sena's poor performance across multiple municipal corporations — BMC, Thane, Kalyan, Dombivli — provides ammunition, but the BJP must prove it can deliver better urban governance.

2. Infrastructure Bias: The BJP's focus on South Mumbai infrastructure projects like the Aqua line Metro, while neglecting connectivity for commuters from distant suburbs like Kalyan-Dombivli, Thane, Navi Mumbai, Vasai, and Virar, creates perception problems.

'If you look at the quantum of capital that has been allocated for infrastructure projects and the focus, it is the people in South Bombay who tend to benefit more from the Atal Setu bridge and the recently inaugurated Aqua Line in the metro,' tells Dange.

3. Voter Behaviour Patterns: Mumbai voters, like elsewhere, don't primarily vote based on civic performance. Despite complaining about potholes, poor sewerage, inadequate buses, and traffic issues, voters are influenced by linguistic, caste, and patronage considerations rather than governance records.

4. Economic Constraints And Perception Battle: With Maharashtra's per capita income lagging behind Gujarat and Tamil Nadu, economic strain among residents makes them susceptible to populist appeals — like the language row. The BJP must address underlying economic issues.

'BJP should be careful to not create an image of imposing things on people. For example the current news dominating the news cycle in Maharashtra is the Shaktipeeth expressway. The farmers are vehemently against it because they say the expressway that is proposed between Nagpur and Goa is not needed because there is already the Ratnagiri-Nagpur state expressway, which they say can be improved, and if you build this expressway, the amount of money that will be spent on it could instead be used to increase or augment the irrigation capacity in central Maharashtra and Vidarbha.'

'The state government is not paying any heed. And protests are happening across the villages in Maharashtra along the route where the Shaktipeeth expressway is planned, but the English mainstream media hasn't bothered to cover it. But nonetheless, it shows that if you try imposing something, it will work against you', Dange adds.

Note: This article is based on the latest episode of What This Means podcast. You can listen to the full epsiode here.