Politics

Jharkhand: The Encounter That Could Reshape BJP's Tribal Politics In A Post-Shibu Soren Era

  • Even as Santhal Pargana mourned Shibu Soren, a midnight encounter of a tribal leader cracked open Jharkhand’s tribal politics. Can the BJP re-mobilise tribal support around the issue?

Abhishek KumarSep 15, 2025, 11:35 AM | Updated 12:05 PM IST
Jharkhand politics at a tipping point?

Jharkhand politics at a tipping point?


While Jharkhand, particularly Santhal Pargana, was mourning the death of Dishom Guru Shibu Soren, a person named Surya Narayan Hansda was encountered by the state police in the dark hours of 11 August, 2025.

Although initially unnoticed, the encounter has opened a fresh fault line in Jharkhand’s tribal politics — and the BJP is moving fast to seize it.

On 11, September 2025, the Jharkhand Unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) organised demonstrations – ‘Akrosh Pradarshan’ across 216 blocks and 24 districts - of the State. Amplifying voices for justice to Hansda was one of the two themes behind it. While every leader had his or her say, one statement by former chief minister Raghubar Das stood out and pointed towards the seriousness of BJP.

Drawing comparisons to Nepal, Das said, “Today's movement is a symbolic movement to warn the Hemant government. If the government does not wake up, then it will expand into a bigger movement by mobilising the people of this state. Looking at the situation in Nepal, the government should be aware that if the youth unite against corruption, unemployment and bad governance, then they will not wait for 5 years; they will overthrow this syndicate-based corrupt government.”

Surya Narayan Hansda vs Pankaj Mishra

Hansda was primarily a social activist who spoke against the establishment on the issues of mining, its hazards and companies not doing their share of corporate social responsibility. Belonging to a political family, the now deceased Hansda started out as an employee of a company and later engaged in swift disbursal of local disputes.

He contested assembly elections four times, twice finishing second. Hansda carried the legitimacy of a credible tribal voice with the reputation of a social activist who built an independent network around land disputes, small contracts and protection mechanisms. Weeks before the encounter, he had reportedly organised economic blockades on his own.

This is believed to have further unnerved Pankaj Mishra, the former political representative of Hemant Soren. Mishra, also known as Super CM, is seen as the man-in-charge of Santhal Pargana. Local reporters Swarajya spoke to alleged he controls virtually everything - from the movement of party cadre to the scale and sincerity of police operations and transfers. 

Even the Enforcement Directorate (ED) alleges he has amassed over Rs 1,000 crore through illegal mining.

One evidence of his influence was seen when, without any public authority, he declared that no criminal will be spared in the region. He even threatened media persons of dire consequences by Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) workers if they don’t 'mend' their ways.

Hansda and Mishra were at loggerheads since some time. Apart from creating troubles by asking for accountability from the JMM administration, Hansda also released videos opposing the narratives of Mishra and JMM - especially targetting Hemant Soren. He cultivated a grassroots network that functioned in many ways as a parallel power structure, especially in areas where state presence is minimal and informal brokerage dominates.

In the last assembly election, he had contested on Jairam Mahato-led Jharkhand Loktantrik Krantikari Morcha's (JLKM) ticket.

Multiple First Information Reports (FIRs) had been filed against Hansda in the last few months. According to a newly appointed officer in Jharkhand cadre, this is a set pattern of delegitimising a person in the region. State authorities first register more than half a dozen FIRs and then take their desired actions on them.

BJP leads the charge

The circumstances around Hansda's killing are suspicious. According to the police, Hansda told them about a place where his 15-20 men and ammunitions were present. A team of eight policemen took him there at midnight, where he was killed while allegedly trying to run away by snatching an INSAS rifle.

Hansda's wife, Sushila Murmu, said that his health wouldn’t allow him to take such a step. She alleged that the Police first killed him by third degree torture and then shot him in the dark. Surya’s mother Neelmani Murmu directly charged that it was Mishra who got her son killed.

Local news portals and newspapers carried only the official version of the story. Even the JLKM termed Hansda a 'criminal'. Only when Ranchi-based journalists—who are at safer distance from Santhal Pargana—sensed something fishy in the statement by Godda SP Mukesh Kumar, did the attention shift from Shibu Soren’s passing to the encounter.

Jharkhand BJP president and leader of opposition Babulal Marandi called the encounter a cold-blooded murder and demanded a CBI or judicial probe. Former chief minister Arjun Munda termed it stage-managed. He also led a fact-finding visit to Hansda’s village, and sought a second post-mortem under a retired judge. BJP chief whip Navin Jaiswal announced that the NDA alliance would press for a CBI inquiry into the case.

In the Jharkhand Assembly, BJP MLAs stormed into the well, carrying placards, and repeatedly disrupted proceedings demanding a CBI probe into Surya Hansda’s encounter. The uproar led to multiple adjournments and walkouts as the opposition pressed for suspension of business to debate the issue.

Deepak Prakash, BJP’s Rajya Sabha MP filed a complaint to National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST), demanding impartial investigation. The commission then issued notices to the Jharkhand Chief Secretary, DGP, Godda Deputy Commissioner, and SP.

It also formed a seven member committee headed by former Ranchi mayor Asha Lakra to investigate the matter. The team also visited Hansda’s village and the encounter spot.

The speed, scale and intensity of BJP’s response indicates that the party sees it as more than a criminal-justice issue. It offers a much needed gateway to it after the attempts around capitalising on demographic change in the region failed.

Santhal Pargana is losing its identity

Formed in 1855 as a direct result of the Santhal Hul (rebellion) of 1855, Santhal Pargana is central to the formation of Jharkhand. The region is called the citadel of Shibu Soren, who faced every hurdle - from public battles in courts and legislatures to assassination attempts - en route his mission of the creation of Jharkhand.


In two and a half decades though, the script has flipped massively. Barring a few exceptions, the region has been marred by poverty, migration, backwardness, low human development indices and suppression of tribal identities due to political reasons.

The politics of minority appeasement by Congress, JMM and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) has resulted in generous accommodation of illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Many of these immigrants have been observed to usurp land by marrying local tribal women and becoming the heir of their properties. They have also infiltrated cadres of political parties and other powerful political positions.

The second major cultural problem is the presence of Christian proselytising 'mafias'. Local sources claim that at least 30 per cent of tribals have been brought under Christianity's fold with the help of incentives from such groups.

Moreover, rough mountainous terrains of the region make it extremely difficult for law enforcement authorities to cover all ground. That makes the state prone to illegal mining, crime, and unnoticed mining accidents.

As a BJP leader (before the last assembly elections) Surya Hansda was speaking against such activities, without much traction from the regional leaders higher up in the ranks.

How BJP conceded the tribal space

When Raghubar Das became the first non-tribal chief minister of the state in 2014, the party appeared on the right track as it enjoyed a formidable base among tribals as well as its core vote banks. Das’ colleague Saryu Roy asserts that BJP had convinced marginalised tribals about entrenched inequality caused by a few tribal leaders favouring their own community.

At the same time, Nishikant Dubey, a member of parliament from Godda, gave his constituency a new identity of development. AIIMS Deoghar, Deoghar Airport, expansion of rail connectivity in Godda and Deoghar, introduction of Vande Bharat Express, improved road infrastructure including NH-133, thermal power projects in Godda, initiatives for educational institutions, and promotion of tourism around Baba Baidyanath Dham earned him great fanfare among tribals of other Santhal Pargana districts too.

But perhaps BJP bought too early into the hype and pushed amendments to the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act (CNT) and Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act (SPT) to ease land acquisition in the region for industry. These amendments aimed to curb illegal mining and administrative extortion, but tribals saw them as a direct attack on their rights.

Sensing a revival, JMM backed the Patthalgadi movement in which tribals erected stone slabs to assert autonomy. The BJP-led NDA worsened its position by slapping sedition and other charges on protestors. Roy maintained that these reforms were not wrong in intention, but tribals should have been taken into prior confidence.

This fed into the elite versus non-elite tribal narrative, framing the protection of 'Jal, Jungle and Jameen' against outsiders’ (read BJP) onslaught. The JMM, led by the son of Shibu Soren, naturally emerged as BJP’s alternative. The NDA was reduced to four seats in the 2019 Assembly Elections and one seat in the 2024 Elections in the Santhal Pargana.

Nishikant Dubey, once hailed as de facto in charge of BJP in the region, is now seen as more active on national platforms and Delhi politics.

Its state unit chief Babulal Marandi is 67, while Champai Soren is 68. Other leaders lack the mix of ground network, face value, or ideological connect to translate the party’s message to the masses.

This was the foremost reason why, despite all efforts from the top, the narrative of Bangladeshi infiltration did not reach tribals in Santhal Pargana, even though evidence was in front of their eyes.

What the BJP can do

The Surya Hansda issue carries the potential to trigger a tribal mobilisation for the BJP.

The BJP was asked to 'pack its bags' because tribals felt the JMM would be better for their interests. “Now if a party like JMM can’t protect a tribal and would prefer an outsider Pankaj Mishra over its own electorate, who will take care of tribals then,” said a protestor.

Secondly, someone from the tribal community, operating outside formal state structures and targeting mining and land brokers, is precisely the kind of figure whose death — if state-linked — would resonate politically in this terrain. Jharkhand has a culture and history of producing anti-establishment tribal leaders — foremost of them Shibu Soren himself — and martyrs — like one of Babulal Marandi’s sons.

But the BJP needs someone to pick up the leftover groundwork of Hansda. Perennial supporters admit it will be a tedious task since leaders active for years tend to stay inert after losing elections. Gamliel Hembram’s political inactivity is cited as one such example. Gamliel unsuccessfully contested against Hemant Soren in the 2024 AE.

Thirdly, this encounter is not just a law-and-order episode; it touches the heart of the everyday political economy of land, rent, and authority in Santhal Pargana. The BJP has started well by linking block-level protests with the rights of farmers being asked to give up land for the second campus of Rajendra Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS-2) on the Kanke-Patratu Road.

“Together, both episodes map neatly onto a political narrative of tribal protection versus predatory elites — one historically owned by JMM, but now up for grabs due to the tussle between Pankaj Mishra and Surya Hansda” said Gopal, a local businessman and lifelong supporter of the BJP.

“If BJP can hold that narrative and back it with institutional credibility — by advocating for fast-track legal aid for gram sabha decisions, demanding transparent audits of small mining leases, and protecting raiyat land against coercive acquisition — it has a chance to rebuild not just vote share but moral legitimacy in a terrain it once ceded to JMM.” he added

In the weeks ahead, the question is whether Hansda’s death becomes the spark of a new political alignment — one where tribal grievance and justice are central to BJP’s re-entry into Jharkhand politics. Or whether it becomes just another tragic line in Santhal Pargana’s long ledger of unresolved conflict and betrayal.

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