Reinvigorated BJP Puts Faith In Ground Work And Micro-Management For Victory In Jharkhand

On 5 October 2024, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) released a section of its manifesto in the presence of Jharkhand state BJP leaders, Union Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, and Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma.

Both Chouhan and Sarma are in charge of BJP’s election strategy in Jharkhand.

The Gogo Didi Yojana is the highlight of this document. "Gogo" is a Santhali word for "mother," and its use is intended to strike a deeper emotional chord among the Santhali community, as Hemant Soren’s government uses the name Maiya Samman Yojana for a similar scheme.

Even in terms of incentives, BJP’s scheme offers more, as women above 18 years of age will be given Rs 2,100, compared to Rs 1,000 under the existing government’s scheme.

Party cadres are on the ground disseminating this information. They are going door-to-door, filling out forms for women — a strategy that Congress adopted in previous Lok Sabha elections. However, the extent of BJP's penetration has jolted JMM, Congress' partner.

Hemant Soren himself criticized the BJP for filling what he termed "duplicate" forms. He and his party have even appealed to the Election Commission to urge the BJP to stop this practice.

In response, Sarma stated that Soren’s complaint regarding the filling of forms is valid only when the model code of conduct comes into force.

Another scheme the BJP plans to introduce is the Lakshmi Johar Yojana, under which each household will be provided cylinders at the fixed rate of Rs 500. Additionally, two free cylinders will be provided every year.

The third tranche of BJP’s promises (some of which are freebies) includes the construction of 21 lakh houses under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. If elected, the party will also provide an additional Rs 1 lakh and free sand for house construction.

For students, the BJP promises to fill 2.87 lakh government vacancies and generate five lakh self-employment opportunities over five years. Additionally, every unemployed graduate will receive Rs 2,000 per month.

The BJP is not just announcing its own largesse, but is also working to hold the JMM government accountable for its promises through its campaign titled Mila Kya ("Did you get it?").

One major issue is the promise to provide 1 lakh jobs for the youth within a year of forming the government.

The BJP claims that, despite this commitment, youth unemployment remains a serious concern. Farm loan waivers are another focus, with Soren promising to waive loans up to Rs 2 lakh, but the BJP alleges that only waivers of Rs 50,000 have been delivered.

The promise of free education and healthcare has also been criticized. The BJP argues that these services do not offer the comprehensive coverage that was promised, leaving many without access to essential services.

Additionally, the BJP has highlighted the government's failure to boost industrial development and attract major industries, which has hindered economic growth and job creation in the state.

The BJP has also raised concerns over the promise of corruption-free governance, noting that Soren himself was jailed on corruption charges. The issue of corruption is juxtaposed with Soren’s opposition to land law amendments.

Other unmet promises allegedly include providing an annual income of Rs 72,000 to poor families, offering Rs 50,000 loans to women via Aadhaar, and setting up cold storage facilities in every Panchayat.

Social welfare schemes like providing a gold coin to newlywed brides, financial support for widows, and a monthly allowance of Rs 2,000 for married women are also said to have not been realized.

The BJP is hunting for every demographic affected by these alleged failures and is highlighting them aggressively.

Feedback from this strategy seems to have reached Ranchi, and the JMM has deployed its star leaders to counter it — both by releasing statements and by closing the loopholes in their governance.

Visiting villages has become a major plank of JMM’s strategy in tribal areas, especially in the Kolhan region. The fifth plank of the BJP’s Panch Pran is addressing the changing demographics in the state, particularly in tribal areas, due to Bangladeshi migrants.

Raising awareness and cornering the Soren government about demographic changes is the third pillar of the BJP’s strategy.

The party’s top leaders — including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Himanta Biswa Sarma, Babulal Marandi, and others — have raised this issue at every level.

The matter has also been escalated to non-political bodies like the Election Commission and the Jharkhand High Court.

However, the challenge with this approach is that locals, who are mostly unaware of the larger scheme of things, tend to see these matters as local and temporary concerns. For the BJP, it is crucial to communicate the danger to these vulnerable masses.

This responsibility has been taken up by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

If opposition criticism is any measure of success in politics, Hemant Soren’s labelling of the Sangh as a "rat-like invader and disturber of communal harmony" is a sign that RSS' ground work is working.

The RSS's efforts have been augmented by Champai Soren, a recent BJP entrant and arguably the second most senior tribal leader who recently joined the party.

Soren, who refused to speak on these issues while in JMM, is now openly voicing his concerns. He visits tribal areas, educating people about the threat, and shares ground reports of land grabbing by certain communities.

At a time when mainstream media and experts were predicting the failure of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Haryana and other upcoming assembly elections, the party was focused on correcting its weaknesses.

It paid off in Haryana, which is why it becomes intriguing to see what the party is now doing in Jharkhand.