With 'Hindutva' And 'Vikas' Co-opted By Allies In Andhra — What’s Left For BJP?

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Andhra Pradesh finds itself in a peculiar position. This is because it is the only state in which its allies have sort of taken over its two major planks of Hindutva and development, leaving it with no unique selling proposition.

While it secured a vote share of over 11 per cent in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, it is difficult to determine what part of that was due to its alliance with the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and Jana Sena (JSP), and how much was its own contribution, as the party’s vote share has hovered around the 3–4 per cent mark when contesting alone.

Since coming to power, the coalition government led by Chandrababu Naidu has portrayed itself as a Hindu-friendly and development-oriented regime, in sharp contrast with the previous government led by Jagan Mohan Reddy.

The Deputy Chief Minister, actor-turned-politician Pawan Kalyan, has taken on the mantle of being a saviour of Sanatana Dharma. His initiatives—such as undertaking a fast as prayaschita for the alleged use of animal fat in the Tirupati laddu, issuing the Varahi Declaration which calls for the uniform implementation of secularism, and proposing the establishment of a Sanatana Dharma Protection Board—have received appreciation.

Naidu too has not been far behind. He has repeatedly stated that only Hindus would be appointed to posts at the Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam (TTD), and that non-Hindus currently in service would be transferred out. He has continued to further his CEO-like image, scouting for investments and pushing for more aid from the Centre.

However, this alignment with BJP’s core themes raises questions about its own visibility. While it is good for the party to have its alliance partners speak in favour of Sanatana Dharma or Hindutva and Vikas (development), the flip side is that the BJP doesn’t get to stand out.

In other southern states like Tamil Nadu or Kerala, these are the two themes which make the BJP a noticeable player. With that uniqueness absent in Andhra, does it mean that the BJP does not have much scope in that state?

The prevailing perception among political pundits and party members, especially those from outside the state, is that the BJP seems to be content with maintaining a basic organisational framework and getting a few seats from the TDP because there is not much scope for expansion.

But is that indeed the case—or can the party turn its fortunes around?

But to understand BJP’s prospects, we must first examine the state’s political landscape.

Andhra Has Traditionally Been A Bipolar State, JSP’s Entry Has Changed It

Since the early 1980s, when Telugu film star N. T. Rama Rao took the political plunge, the state’s politics has mainly revolved around two parties—the Congress and Rao’s TDP. Except for a small blip in 2009, when actor Chiranjeevi formed the Praja Rajyam Party, the scenario has remained the same. The space earlier occupied by the Congress has now been inherited by YSRCP. Other players like the BJP and communists have had limited success.

“What makes the state’s bipolar politics interesting is that the difference in vote share between the two major parties is almost never more than five to six per cent,” says senior journalist Raka Sudhakar Rao.

While the 2024 elections were a wave election in favour of TDP, the same was seen this year too, when vote shares of YSRCP and the TDP (without considering contribution from alliance partners) are taken into consideration.

In the elections to the Lok Sabha, the difference between YSRCP and TDP was just 1.7 per cent. The gap was higher in the Assembly election—6.6 per cent. While the gap is not huge, it was enough to make the fortunes of the TDP and break those of the YSRCP. The latter won only 11 seats in spite of securing a vote share of 39.37 per cent.

According to Rao, the BJP could become a sought-after player if it is able to cross that threshold. This time, it was the JSP which secured it. (The BJP got a vote share of 2.83 per cent in the 2024 Assembly elections.)

The story was even more telling in the 2014 Assembly elections, when the gap between the winning TDP and losing YSRCP was as little as 0.3 per cent.

The BJP Once Had A Double Digit Vote Share

The vote share of the party that year was 18.3 per cent. Among the factors that worked in favour of the BJP then was the heightened Hindutva consciousness nationwide due to the Ram Mandir movement, unhappiness with Naidu over his decision not to support Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s government, and support from Kapus, who were looking for a party that looked after their interests, as the TDP and Congress were seen as Kamma and Reddy parties respectively.

During the next election, the vote share decreased to about 9 per cent after it allied with the TDP. Calling it a historical blunder, political analyst Kishore Thupati said, “There was no need for a tie-up then. The BJP was doing well on its own and could have gone alone. But somehow the party leadership of the time thought otherwise.”

The alliance also brought about a change in candidates—Telugu actor Krishnam Raju (an uncle of actor Prabhas who starred in Bahubali), the winner from Kakinada, was sent to Narsapuram, and Girajala Venkata Swamy Naidu, who had won Rajahmundry, was instead given an MLA ticket. Venkata Swamy lost the election. What hurt karyakartas was that the Rajahmundry ticket was given to SBPBK Satyanarayana Rao, who had joined the party from the TDP not too long ago.

A political commentator who did not wish to be named said that this was part of Naidu’s strategy to weaken the BJP. “Often, TDP candidates would be made to fight on the BJP symbol. Further, the BJP would not be given the seats it was looking for. All of this affected the growth of the party.”

“While that decision remains difficult to decipher, the fact is that the party never really recovered after that. It happened because neither the state leadership nor the Centre were ambitious enough. They were not aiming for a BJP Chief Minister from Andhra at the time. If they had done so, they would not have entered an alliance with them,” concludes Thupati.

Holding Positions In BJP But Having Loyalties To Other Parties—Issues In State Unit

This lack of ambition combined with the dwindling of support resulted in the decline of the party organisation. Political observers say that the state unit was filled with former TDP and YSRCP men.

“For such people, it was not the BJP’s interest that was foremost on their mind. Their loyalties used to lie elsewhere. There was ‘TDP-BJP’ or ‘YSR–BJP’ and no ‘BJP-BJP’,” one of them told this writer in jest. They add that the situation has improved now.

That brings us to the questions raised in the beginning of this article—the political space available for the party, how it can expand, and what is the way forward.

Hindutva Space Is Not a Gone Case Even If It May Seem So

According to Vishnu Vardhan Reddy, a state vice president of the party, alliance partners speaking about Hindutva issues should not be seen as competition. “It should be welcomed. Ten years back, parties would be scared to take up these issues. Any other party speaking on the protection of Sanatana Dharma is a plus for us.”

“Even now, it is not as if Hindutva has become the exclusive domain of Jana Sena. A couple of months ago, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) held a Haindava Sankharavam (‘battle cry for Hinduism’) rally to press for the autonomy of temples and drive home the message of ‘Hindus first, caste next.’ They expected about two lakh people, but over four lakh turned up. And when Hindu issues are there, people still approach the RSS and BJP leaders first. We remain the go-to party for that.”

Agreeing with Reddy, a political commentator said, “Kalyan may be aggressive in his speeches and interviews, but when it comes to ground-level Hindutva, the Jana Sena is found lacking. For example, there was an attack on Hindus in Rayachoti (in the former Kadapa district), but he did not speak up for them. It is the BJP–RSS that was at the forefront.”

Rao said that the party must remain combative on issues related to Sanatana Dharma. “Just because they are alliance partners in government does not mean that they keep quiet. During the past year itself, there have been several instances of Hindus being attacked.”

He added that the Hindutva feeling in Andhra was quite high, even though people usually talk more about that in relation to Telangana. “It is unfortunate that the state’s politics has been overshadowed by the discussion on castes. If you look deep down, there is a strong Hindu consciousness. Thousands of processions are conducted in the state on occasions like Shivaji Jayanti and Hanuman Jayanti.”

Wooing Jagan’s Vote Bank — Can BJP Win Over Reddys and Scheduled Castes?

This caste dynamic poses both challenges and opportunities for BJP’s growth. Drawing certain caste groups could thus be key to expanding the party’s social base, which brings us to the question of whether the BJP could attract votes from Reddys, Scheduled Castes, or Christians — those who have traditionally been Jagan’s supporters.

“Reddys would come in a big way only if the BJP takes an anti-Kamma stand. That is not something that the BJP can do. If it does so, it will become like Karnataka or Haryana, where the party is seen as pro-Lingayat or pro-Non-Jats. There has always been an anti-TDP voting bloc, and it is likely to remain intact,” said Rao. He added that he does not see any particular reason at the moment for them to shift towards the BJP.

Senior journalist SNV Sudhir differs. He feels that the Reddys have started moving away from Jagan from the 2024 elections. “While a good chunk of them remain loyal to him, others have scattered.”

Thupati says that the party already has the cards in its pocket and that it is just a matter of playing them right. “In terms of giving adequate representation to Reddys, the BJP is not behind the Congress or YSRCP. There are a lot of them in the party. G. Kishan Reddy is the party’s state president in Telangana and also a cabinet minister. It also has former chief minister N. Kiran Kumar Reddy, who was made the Lok Sabha candidate from Rajampet.”

He adds that the BJP should take an all-caste approach. “The Centre has done things that have benefited everyone, so they need not be hampered by caste arithmetic.”

The political commentator added that some of Jagan’s voters would switch loyalties on their own, and the BJP does not have to make too much of an effort to woo them. “Those people will themselves shift with time as it becomes more and more clear that Jagan’s governance was a failure. The government has set up a 20-point review committee under the chairmanship of Lanka Dinakar, a BJP leader. Dinakar has been touring the state extensively and laying out Jagan’s record in the open.”

According to analysts, the party has a chance to draw those still remaining in the Hindu fold. “They need to be told that benefits meant for them are being usurped by those who are not eligible due to conversion. This is where the BJP could play a unique role, as neither the TDP nor the JSP is likely to take up the issue in a big way,” said a party leader on condition of anonymity.

Speaking on the impact of SC sub-categorisation, another senior journalist said that it is unlikely to find much traction in the state, as a larger number of SCs in the state belong to the Mala community, which is opposed to the move. Naidu has buried the issue for now by saying that it will be implemented after the next census. This is in sharp contrast with Telangana, where Revanth Reddy’s government swiftly passed an Act to implement it.

Can the BJP Use the BC Strategy Like in Telangana?

Turning to another key demographic — Backward Classes (BCs) could offer another avenue to the party. They form the majority of the state’s population. While Sudhir says that it is possible if the party has a strong leader who can go into the masses like Kalyan or Jagan, others believe that in Andhra, BC politics is not so prominent, unlike in Telangana.

“If you look at the history of united Andhra, there has been no BC chief minister. Given the political vibrancy of the Reddys, Kammas, and Kapus, it is not possible to have a government based on the support of BCs alone in Andhra.”

According to Reddy, the BC narrative may not be as strong as in Telangana, but there is recognition of the fact that the party has been promoting OBC leaders at a national level and that a lot has been done for them through central government initiatives like the Vishwakarma scheme.

Where Can the Vote Share Reach in the Next 5–10 Years?

Thus, while caste dynamics offer limited scope, it is issues that have broader voter appeal that could boost BJP’s numbers.

While doubling the vote share to reach the crucial 5–6 per cent mark is very much doable through efforts such as publicising the activities of the central government for the state — funds for Amaravati, Polavaram, highways and railways, or Vizag Steel — even a double-digit vote share, i.e. 15–20 per cent in the next 5–10 years, is realistic, says BJP leader Raghuram Purighalla.

Concurring with him, the political commentator said that the party could focus on cultivating the urban middle-class voters who are more into development and against freebies, and give more representation to BCs. “It is only the BJP that can integrate Hindutva with nationalism, economic reforms, and efficient governance. These are some inherent limitations of the regional parties. There is a Modi-vote in urban areas, which the party is yet to fully capitalise on.”

Talking of vote share, Reddy recognises its importance but says that at the end of the day, it is the number of seats won that matters.

While agreeing with the methods stated by Purighalla and the commentator, Thupati strikes a note of caution and says seat selection should be done well and the party should give preference to old-timers. “Many of the MP and MLA candidates who were given tickets in the 2024 elections had just joined the party recently. With regards to seat selection, the best example is that of Tirupati, which the BJP contested and lost. This is a seat that the TDP itself has never won since 1984.”

Need for a Strong Leadership

Sudhir adds that the party right now lacks a recognisable face. “It is alright even if they bring in someone from another party. Take the example of Suvendu Adhikari in West Bengal. Someone of that sort is needed in Andhra.”

“One good leader can turn the tables — look at how the BJP has come into play in Tamil Nadu,” adds Thupati.

A strong leadership could also leverage the improving alliance dynamics. During the previous tenure (from 2014), BJP members used to complain about being left out during decision-making and their work not being given priority by TDP ministers. “This time it is different,” said the political commentator.

“TDP people take BJP workers along with them and they give credit to the BJP and central government for all the financial help that they have been giving.” Party leaders this writer spoke to attested the same.

Asked what had changed, the commentator said, “Naidu knows that the state’s finances are in bad shape and if he does not keep the Centre in good humour, he will not be able to deliver on his agenda of development while continuing all the welfare schemes.”

This is likely to help the BJP because people would now recognise its contribution to the state’s development, unlike the case about six years ago, when it was portrayed as the party that had gone back on the promise of special status.

Thus, the party is today best poised to take the leap. It has a good relationship with Naidu and Kalyan, and enjoys a positive image in the state, given the financial support extended for various projects. Visible groundwork combined with strong local leadership is what is needed in the next four years.

It can then bring more than what it now brings to the alliance. Whether the BJP will seize this moment or remain a footnote in Andhra’s bipolar saga is what needs to be seen.