Dalit Politics In India In 2017: The Sum And Parts Of It

A few days back, in a rally organised by Lalu Prasad Yadav in Patna, the one important opposition leader who was conspicuous by her absence was Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo, Mayawati. Her absence was notable because, for one, she has been an advocate of opposition unity; for another, Lalu Yadav has been talking about sending her to Rajya Sabha through his party’s support. Not attending the rally is somehow a declaration on Mayawati’s part that she wants to conduct politics on her own. However, what cannot be overlooked is that while Kanshiram wanted to keep bahujan politics away from nepotism, it is rearing its head in the BSP. Mayawati has cleared all doubts regarding the future of BSP leadership after her, by giving her brother and nephew crucial positions in the party.

The political ambitions of the BSP leaders, besides the infighting for shares in the collection of funds, have been weakening bahujan politics.

Uttar Pradesh

In Uttar Pradesh, only those castes are influential in bahujan politics which have large numbers or which are financially in a relatively stronger position owing to various historical reasons. In the state, more than 50 smaller sub-castes of the Dalit community have little or no representation in bahujan politics.

In other states, Dalit politics is mostly a follower to, or a laggard behind, the bigger parties. This is precisely what Kanshiram called the ‘chamcha culture’. In Dalit politics, the dominance of the numerically bigger castes of Dalits and the negligible presence of the other smaller ones is another big problem.

Different forms of Dalit politics are visible in different states of our country. Here, Dalit politics implies Dalit mobilisation. The politics of Dalits, as bahujan politics, became stronger in the Hindi belt starting from the 1990s. In its initial phase, not only did it grow in strength in Uttar Pradesh, it also gained traction in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bihar. It was in Uttar Pradesh that the BSP started as a ‘Dalit party’, rightly evolved from Dalit to bahujan, and then into sarvajan. But today, bahujan politics is going through a severe crisis. Even in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bihar, its initial charm has been lost. Although BSP fields its candidates in assembly and Lok Sabha elections in many states of the country, it has not yet received significant success in any state other than UP.

After Independence, besides Uttar Pradesh, the politics of Dalit pride emerged powerfully in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra.

Kerala

Dalit mobilisation in Kerala is deeply affected by the politics of Congress, Left and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Influenced by the middle castes in Kerala politics, Dalit politics in that state is almost a part of the mainstream. Although, a small fraction of Dalits talks about autonomous Dalit politics, a larger part of them is integral to the mainstream politics of Kerala. Christian missionaries, and Amdekarite and Leftist politics played an important role in the creation of Dalit consciousnes in the state. Now, the effect of Sangh’s politics can be seen here on fishermen and other smaller castes.

Tamil Nadu

In Tamil Nadu, Dalit politics evolved into the shadow of anti-Brahmin movement. In this movement, the middle castes emerged powerfully and as a result, the issues of Dalits became secondary. Dalit politics in Tamil Nadu is in deep crisis today. The other problem with the Dalit movements of Tamil Nadu, and also other states, is the question of how to provide their ideas and arguments with a popular base.

Punjab

The problems of the Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Punjab are slightly different. More than 31 per cent of Punjab’s population is Dalit, this is a higher figure than obtained from any other state in India. The majority of this 31 per cent population is from the Ravidasi and Balmiki castes. These two communities are not ready, and have never agreed, to politically unite. Usually, if one of them supports the Congress, the other goes towards Akali Dal. Kanshiram had tried to bring them together in the 1990s, but was unsuccessful in doing so. Despite being from Punjab, he could not expand the BSP in the state. Thus, the biggest problem of Dalit politics in Punjab is that the two most important castes, by both numbers and economics, do not agree to come together.

Maharashtra

In Maharashtra, every prominent leader who emerged from the Republican Party of India (RPI) and the Dalit Panthers has created his own faction. Ramdas Athawale is now with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and was earlier with the Shiv Sena. Prakash Ambedkar is still close to the Congress. Even here, most Dalits are divided into two major castes – Mahar and Matang. Leaders coming from these castes have formed their own parties. The conflicts of ethnic and regional pride are aggravating the crisis of Dalit politics in Maharashtra. Here, the support of the Dalit population seems to be divided between the Shiv Sena, BJP and Congress.

Dalit politics in Andhra has been influenced by the Ambedkarite kind, as also by the by the ‘Adi movement’ of Bhagya Reddy. However, here too, Dalit politics, instead of developing independently, got sandwiched between the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), Telugu Desam Party (TDP), Congress and the BJP. Despite all the egalitarian ideals, Dalit politics in Andhra Pradesh has fallen prey to the internal contradictions between the two big Dalit groups – Mala and Madiga. The confrontation of pride between these two castes is not letting the Dalits of the state unify. The Madiga caste always complains that most of the democratic benefits that are provided in the name of Dalits are taken by the Malas. Also, the absence of representation of other minor Dalit castes is a major point of crisis for Dalit politics in Andhra Pradesh.

Overall, in many states, the conflict between two or three major castes in Dalit politics, for the sharing of democratic benefits, is weakening Dalit politics. Today, many levels of leadership have emerged in Dalit groups. The collision of personal political ambitions, too, is continuously weakening Dalit politics. Despite showing its commitment to the Ambedkarite ideals, Dalit politics today is the victim of the same political culture of mainstream parties. The collision of ambitions, nepotism, and rivalry for power is weakening Dalit groups from within. They are getting influenced by what they were supposed to resist, and that is deepening the crisis of Dalit politics.