Why Narendra Modi Slammed Congress On ‘Palaayan’ In Doon Speech And What It Means To Pauri Garhwal Contest in 2019 Between Son And Disciple

In his Vijay Sankalp Sabha speech in Dehradun on April 5, Prime Minister Narendra Modi slammed the Congress by drawing a series of contrasts, juxtaposing work, approach and vision of the NDA government led by him, with that of the Congress.

Among these contrasts, he stressed especially on the issue of palaayan or out migration which grips Uttarakhand.

He said that Congress would associate Uttarakhand with "palaayan" while the BJP was working on associating Uttarakhand with "paryatan" (tourism). "Congress ne pahad ko palaayan se joda, hum paryatan se jodna ka kaam kar rahe hain," he said.

Pauri Garhwal constituency falls in a border state. It is also home to Shri Badrinath and Shri Kedarnath mandirs. Life spun around these mandirs provides life, employment, spiritual and cultural impetus to residents. A direct and ruthless impact of a natural calamity on them was seen in 2013, leaving renewed fears of palaayan.

To know what palaayan could mean to Pauri Garhwal constituency in 2019, I spoke to people who have out migrated from here; those who are seated at a cusp of Tehri-Pauri emotions including the cusp of Yamnotri-Gangotri dhams and Shri Badrinath-Shri Kedarnath Dhams, and witnessing the slightly better facilities in Narendranagar Vidhan Sabha constituency. Also, to those at the cusp of boyhood and manhood and considering choices and to those who are currently turning things around, or would be after May 23.

BJP’s candidate is Teerath Singh Rawat, an experienced high altitude midfielder who is the former Uttarakhand CM, Major General (Retd) B C Khanduri’s "trusted disciple". Khanduri has also been an MP from the Pauri Garhwal constituency,

Issues relating to better roads, internal and border security, village connectivity, villages, and out migration have been part of Rawat’s own action board in the process of helping Khanduri in his numerous campaigns.

Contesting against him is Khanduri’s son, Manish Khanduri.

On the go, one thing becomes clear. Uttarakhand is voting for nationalism as emotion, and development in this constituency is counted as an important aspect of nationalism.

A worker on ground tells me, "People are wise. Everyone is aware of Teerath Singh Rawat ji's stature in the region. This time the Garhwali is wise and so is the Kumaoni, because he is thinking as an Uttarakhandi." He adds, "The result of the previous Lok Sabha will be repeated. Ye samajh leejiye ki Pauri ki vidhan sabhaon mein sabse zyada fauji hai jo Narendra Modi ke sakaratmak raviye se khush hai, aur baaki sab bhi. But the work has just begun. There is lots to be done in health, education, employment."

The revival of tourism in this constituency of Uttarakhand is one of the several aspects that see appetite for stronger action from the centre and state governments.

All - for keeping the people where they belong - in the state and for the state. Modi said, “Pahad ka paani our pahad ki jawani, pahad ke hee kaam aaye, ye is chowkidar ki, hum sab ki pratibaddhata hai.”

Abandoned villages of Kumaon and Garhwal attract termite. Uttarakhand ex-servicemen hailing from Pauri Garhwal constituency Swarajya met last month said that work in Uttarakhand, a border state, needs to continue with the same vigour and bigger momentum.

In 2013, former CM Khanduri, an inspiration to faujis in the state, too, had expressed (when I had spoken to him on rebuilding Kedarnath) concern on the condition and urgency of rebuilding roads for border security.

Rawat, BJP’s candidate for Pauri Garhwal constituency says that his party has the right vision for concerns on border security and internal security. He tells Swarajya over the phone, “There have been measures from the centre against the possibility of any such activities and efforts have been taken towards strengthening borders. Uttarakhand mein Maovaad ka bhi kabhi kabhi gadbad karne ka prayas hua hai."

Modi's tone wasn't acerbic in the Dehradun speech. He left the mention to "palaayan" vibrating - like a tuning fork would be, when propped before the dhol damau - the traditional percussion instrument which announces its presence in the hills in echos.

It was a risk-prone approach from him. It pipped a serious issue, connecting it with state government's (well meaning but nascent) efforts towards tackling a serious problem which has a special commission dedicated to it. It also wasn't about simply riding, or allowing to ride, on the name "Modi" in an election which is considered the mother/father of all electoral battles. It was about a problem and about one of the many solutions.

The message Modi perhaps wanted to land in Dehradun for Uttarakhand, especially in three constituencies that are cradled in the Himalayas, was, that this time, there is a government ruling the state which is beginning to crack some answers to the problem of out migration, by understanding it, and by working around that understanding.

BJP won the Uttarakhand assembly election in 2017. In 2018, Modi took an overview of the reconstruction projects when he visited Shri Kedarnath Mandir. In 2017 started Trivendra Singh Rawat's efforts towards initiating work on curbing out migration. In 2019, Modi has picked just one soft but worthy facet of the state government's work towards curbing out migration while lashing at Congress. He is not taking it easy either.

Incidentally, many aspects related to Uttarakhand government's ambitious outreach towards tackling out migration find resonance in BJP's Sankalp Patra released on 8 April. Even those you’d consider minute.

Manish Khanduri says, "My approach is different. When I talk about palaayan, it is not people. People are secondary in palaayan, what is happening is palaayan of institutions. That's very critical. Palaayan of agriculture, education, chikitsa ka palaayan. That's the most fundamental way of looking at it.

He adds, "Unless you strengthen institutions, you cannot stop palaayan. I have also said repeatedly, if anyone man/woman/MP says they can fix this problem, they are lying. I can’t fix this problem. I will make an impact based on my experiences in the private sector..."

Jal, jungle aur jawani

I kept aloof from the question of their choice. I went with two words: "election" and "palaayan".

On the night of the heavy rains in the Kedarnath Valley, Rajendra Singh Rana was in Agastyamuni's Chaka village, where he lived with his family, including ageing parents. He recalls that dark night of 2013 June. It had been raining for two days continuously. But he knew this was something demonic. He sensed that a disaster was approaching them.

He says, "I ran towards my neighbour's house, knowing it would be first to get gnawed by the waters. We all could barely reach my place when their house crumbled into water. Without wasting a minute we ran for shelter in a village school."

Today, Rana runs a tea stall at Dandi village, and lives with his wife and kids near Rani Pokhri in Dehradun. "My family was given an option of rebuilding lives on land in the jungles, but I chose against it. I came here a year and a half after the aapada. I visit my village every year to be with my parents during the opening and closing of Baba Kedarnath's kapaat. Changes have taken place on the hills since then, but I can’t afford to be there beyond four days.”

I ask him about Phata, and he looks away. After a moment, he says, "our lives were so tuned into the activities and liveliness of the Kedarnath temple and the bazaars in the villages."

According to Rana, around 150 families moved to other areas, out, from Chaka, either leaving homes, or leaving old parents behind as a result of the 2013 Kedarnath floods. His own parents chose to stay on because they did not want to get uprooted from the village. The work on roads up to his village is on going and he hopes to save on traveling time for future visits.

Tapovan area. Rishikesh. Young men from the hills converge for work and interact with the world - sometimes while water of Ganga is still dripping from their sun toughened bodies. Bobby Thapa is shorter than the breadth of the river raft. As he lifts the raft to place it on its side, the giant thing blocks the sun. It has been day four since he came from Chamba for learning on the job. He is a good swimmer.

Like a bumblebee, he is engrossed in the opening of certain knots on the raft. He says, "I am in first year of college." Why is he here? "To learn rafting work." What does he want to do? "I want to study and be a pro at rafting and become a sportsman." Which sport? “Kabaddi”.

Aspirations of the man from the hill flow like the Ganga. They have different paces. So does he. His feet can walk long distance, climb up and down to village and opportunity.

Rising hope for new choices in agriculture

People in the region feel that going for "chakbandi" (consolidation of land holdings) would turn around the palaayan story. Rajendra Singh from Deoprayag says, "The government must go for it big, help us produce, take the holding on lease, the man learns and earns and remains where he is."

In Hindolakhal village on the road towards Tehri, pujari Chaman Singh Pundit holds views on political and electoral matters close to his chest. He reveals the struggles faced by people of the region in farming in a flow.

According to him, the two main hurdles in farming are erratic irrigation and the fear of wild animals. “The efforts of agricultural minister and Narendra Nagar MLA, Subodh Uniyal, will hopefully improve things as far as farming is concerned. He is helping provide machines, khaad and insecticides. But in my view, irrigation needs attention. We must try water harvesting for irrigation. Creating tanks will change the situation."

Pundit mentions that the fear of wild animals and the damage to crops done by them, and the fact that people are trying new crops and new options to grow, to adjust around the wild.

Families where agriculture is the only option for sustenance, see younger generations turning away from the hills to find work. "wheat, pinaalu, ginger and turmeric are mostly grown on our side and things can be turned around more by focusing on them."

On irrigation, Teerath Singh says, "We have to focus more on the smaller plans and solutions alongside the big ones. Some experiments have been done using small 1 MW - 2MW set ups to help better irrigation from the natural sources of water in the hills. These demand less investment and can be sufficient for a village or a good part of a village, can be installed at lower costs, and are better than bigger projects that can be harmful for the regions ecology and environment. I will focus on that."

The weighing scale of support

Interestingly, other people in this constituency, too, are giving weight to work done by MLAs in the Vidhan Sabha and state. Teerath Singh Rawat has four heavy-weight doers in his constituency. Agriculture minister Subodh Uniyal is understood to be one of them.

Recently, Om Gopal Rawat, originally a BJP man, "joined BJP", or returned, after being upset over ticket distribution. Uniyal has been in the fray in Narendranagar politics and today both, Om Gopal Rawat and Uniyal, are in BJP. So has been Rawat. In 2017 assembly polls both were competing against each other. Uniyal fought from BJP, with 46.37 per cent vote share.

Behind him was Rawat, with his 36.81 per cent. Rawat melted in emotion at state unit office on his home coming saying that people do get upset once in a while in big families. Narendra Nagar is vote heavy. BJP is watching the weight. Something similar played out on a bigger level, bigger scale in Pauri Garhwal constituency in 2014. Of course, the context is different.

Between bloodline and bastion, son and disciple

Teerath Singh Rawat is considered Major General (retd) B C Khanduri's "disciple". Khanduri, besides being former chief minister and member of Parliament, has been known for his clean image among people of Uttarakhand, his first hand experience of disaster management in the Badrinath region during his days in the army, honesty, and experience.

Manish Khanduri says, “The first time I campaigned for my father was in 1991. I have campaigned for four election cycles for him. I have come to the state after that”.

Rawat laboriously supported Khanduri’s Lok Sabha campaigns election after election since the 1990s, but he had started as an audience to Khanduri's noted presence, carrying over the organisational skills he had picked in his days in the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad.

After 1997, Rawat would be seen as a reckoning force in Khanduri's election campaigns, getting mentored and encouraged on the way, towards the Chaubatkhal Vidhan Sabha constituency almost 15 years later.

He became the first education minister of state and that's how most people in Pauri Garhwal constituency remember him fondly, besides, in 2019, mentioning his name when they team up Khanduri senior with the constituency's choice.

Another thing they repeat is that Khanduri's son was "never a member of BJP". "People in Pauri Garhwal constituency are pretty angry with Manish Khanduri suddenly joining Congress. In my view it will go against him and in favour of Teerath Singh Rawat," a BJP worker says.

In 2013, when his name was announced as the state chief, Rawat, then MLA from Chaubatkhal, a former Sangh pracharak and student leader, had the support of Khanduri in his new job.

With Satpal Maharaj coming out of the contest rink and Congress, and walking to the BJP, the probability of Khanduri's much awaited return as MP from the region became stronger.

Chaubatkhal, interestingly would see Maharaj as MLA in 2017. Today, Maharaj is the tourism minister and one of the star pracharaks with a firm foot in the region (he was campaigning in Maharashtra for BJP as its star campaigner when Swarajya spoke to him). .

With Maharaj winning from Chaubatkhal - crossing 49 per cent vote share and in Srinagar, popular leader, pitch veteran, young leader, currently higher education minister, Dr Dhansingh Rawat at his 51.84 - Teerath Singh Rawat seems padded up.

The issue of palaayan, health and education facilities in Pauri, improved road connectivity between villages, revival and initiation of old and new to boost and generate tourism-related employment opportunities, the boosting of farm-based based tourism facets, are some areas most voters are expecting to see improving and expecting great team work involving the BJP stalwarts.

Interestingly, Rawat is at the centre of a people's forward looking approach to this team headed by Modi. Many people Swarajya met, believe, that Rawat would get vote meant for Modi. Khanduri the surname is being teamed with Rawat, more often, too.

While Uttarakhand's infectious enthusiasm on the railway line to Karnprayag finds heightened expression during BJP's campaign in 2019, Teerath Singh Rawat has been gifted with impressive internal dynamics in the region that should also cushion him in Kotdwar.

Narendranagar, the seat of Devi Kunjapuri, and the electoral cusp that counts

In the silence of hills ahead of Narendra Nagar, two different kinds of sounds of percussion can be heard. One is of the traditional drums, filtering from a distance, the other, of machines preying on rocks and mud, and what, at one precarious turn on the road towards Chamba, looks like lime to me.

Buses and "treckers" from Chamba halt. So do vehicles ascending towards Chamba. Bobby Thapa must have taken the same road down to Rishikesh.

Work on the all-weather road project, an ongoing task aimed at providing year-round connectivity to Shri Kedarnath, Shri Badrinath, Gangotri and Yamunotri, is on full swing. Though Amit Shah spoke about BJP's efforts in building the all weather road in Uttarkashi which falls in Tehri Garhwal constituency.

People in Pauri Garhwal constituency, of which Narendra Nagar, too, is a part, believe that the all weather road project undertaken by the Narendra Modi government would boost safe access and tourism towards the four sacred pilgrim destinations.

They see another advantage. Sagar Negi, a first time voter in Narendra Nagar says, "With the all weather road, the work on village connectivity will catch momentum."

"Sab shareef aadmi hain (they are decent people)", is the reason why Abdul Samat, a businessman in the Narendra Nagar, likes the BJP. The cusp seems to be playing on him as well.

He adds," Rani ji ke paas apnaa itnaa hai wo kisee ka kya khaengee? His family has been living in Narendra Nagar for ninety years. The roads haven't been better as per him. "My grandfather and great grand father came from Hapur (Uttar Pradesh). They worked as goldsmiths for the Maharaja, who was a very helpful man and worked for the people's welfare." Samat used to run a business of transport. His vehicles would go up to Uttarkashi and Badrinath.

Today, he has reduced his business owing to his age, but has his nose on the ground. "Narendra Nagar in this Lok Sabha election too seems to be voting for Narendra Modi. All because of the good work he has done in the region and secondly, for the state and centre work coordination. Two of my vehicles are plying on these roads and the change has been tremendous."

Rakesh Singh Rawat from Teendhara, Deoprayag, was part of a group which was celebrating a spree of local leaders of Pauri Garhwal constituency "joining" the BJP state headquarters.

Why the "joining" now right before the election from the leaders? Rajendra Singh from Deoprayag says, "We all know where Uttarakhand was five years ago. Some leaders were upset about not being given tickets and other reasons, yet they stood by BJP, never spoke against it, and have returned to support Modi for the good work he is doing. Is kaam se Uttarakhand ko kitni madat milegi. Palaayan rukega."

Another man in the group Rakesh Singh Rawat said, "Trivendra Singh Rawat government's focused village-based approach to fighting the problem of out migration from Pauri Garwal district, especially owing to three main factors of health, education and employment, will get speed, connectivity, people and consistency with the building of the all weather road. The region is positive and in favour of a double engine sarkar once again."

"Modi works like pahadi women!"

Among reasons why Sagar Negi thinks women of the region are inclined towards voting for Narendra Modi on 11 April, is that they find him as hardworking as them. “Women, especially older women in our family — mothers, aunts and mothers of friends, they all trust him, they believe that he is as hard working as them and most women born and living in Uttarakhand. Like them, he never takes a break from work.”

Pushpa Negi, who runs a garment shop in Narendra Nagar market, is a true example of a powerful labourious woman and voter. When she gets angry, her sewing machine moves faster, and faster.

What makes her angry? The BJP. She thinks people make a bad choice in electing BJP. She says, "Whether Congress does anything or not, I don't care. They showed us the way, they were the first to work for the nation, they got us independence and BJP keeps saying that Congress has done nothing. I totally dislike all leaders of BJP. Modi is ok, but I am a staunch Congress supporter."

In Uttarakhand, most women I met were all praises for NDA’s focus on development, its tough decisions on Pakistan and national security, the way it demonstrated care for the family of soldiers and ex-servicemen, "keeping matters of jaat-paat away", and for the change taking place under the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana and Swachh Bharat mission.

Teerath Singh Rawat adds, "The Ujjwala scheme, the building of toilets and swachchata drives have left a positive impact on people in the country, including those living in Uttarakhand. Within the state, too, Gramin Sadak Yojana ke antargat itni jaldi bahut badlaav aayaa hai. Itna road kabhi nahi kataa jitney aaj kat raha hai."

The BJP, in 2019, might get a clear advantage of having support from voters, especially women, from families of serving soldiers and ex-servicemen in Pauri Garhwal constituency.

Negi is not alone to draw this fairly unusual emotional connect between voter gender and prime minister gender. Sagar Pundir, Negi's friend - a student, and son of a serving defence personnel, pitches in. He says, "Since his days at Gujarat chief minister to now, he has worked like pahadi women. There is no other way he could have done what he has done in five years. The change is before people of Uttarakhand, who are still struggling with the issue of palaayan - out migration."

Continuing with the family tradition of serving as a pujari, Hitesh Rawat, has opened the path to self by not taking the road down to out migration. He could be another pahadi boy sweating to and from work in Delhi or Noida or Gurgaon. He is not. "It takes people like us just 15 minutes to reach Narendra Nagar from Rishikesh. The all weather road, still an ongoing project is proving to be a game changer. It was different five years ago. Women of Uttarakhand like doing their work by themselves, and consistently. He is no different."

Remaining in Narendra Nagar would also keep Rawat near the Kunjapuri Devi temple - one of the 52 Shaktipeethas. Interestingly, in his 5 April speech in Dehradun, Modi gave a mention to Navratra and the sowing of harela, which has a spiritual meaning for devotees of the devi across cultures, and has a special connotation in Uttarakhand.

Many people in Narendra Nagar Swarajya met are impressed with MLA Subodh Uniyal's attention to the organising of the annual mela here.

According to the young men I met, many women in Uttarakhand deserve accolades for running the show, solo, in the absence of men who leave the hills for jobs, and sometimes even with families, leaving old family members behind in ancestral abodes. Here, too, women rise to guard and protect their heritage, to preserve what belongs to their families and region.

Women are a robust unit of the family system in Uttarakhand, especially in the upper districts and their villages. Chandrama (tells me only her first name) is walking back to village Kumarkheda from the jungles with a heavy stack of greens, mostly for cattle consumption, on her head. The sun glistens on her crimson and sweating cheeks. She negotiates road bends precariously, focusing on her pace.

"When is the polling day", I ask her, trying to break ice. "It is on 11th," she shoots, and asks immediately, "whom should I vote for?" She and I laugh together at her smartness. "Who am I to tell you that?," I say. Women accompanying her bury their mouths and laughter in palms - knowing she is about to complain. Without wasting breath Chandrama says, "Modi ji ka cylinder to nahin aaya mere paas abhi tak, aa jayega." Patience is one of the inherent virtues in "pahad".

There are said to be more than five and a half lakh women voters in this constituency.

Pandit Sohan Lal Kukreti is a serving pujari at a temple in Haridwar's Har Ki Pauri. He comes from Ghansiyali, knows 18 languages, visits his village regularly, thinks Modi is doing a wonderful job for national security, traditions, culture, dharma, providing women toilets and LPG cylinders, caring for soldiers.

But he is not happy about how local administration in his ancestral village in Ghansiyali has tackled issues on facilities, toilets and benefits to people. "BJP has a done a good thing by sending benefits. But one thing that parties, including BJP must ensure is that women pradhans must work, and their husbands must not be allowed to interfere in their work, duties and politics."

What's Modi got to do with homestays?

In his Dehradun speech, Modi quickly mentioned "home stays" while winding up his speech, saying that he feels glad when he reads about the initiatives being taken by the Trivendra Singh Rawat government.

The Uttarakhand government is giving impetus to home stays in the region. Besides boosting tourism, it is also expected to precipitate the belief of the people of Uttarakhand in staying back, maintaining, preserving and using their own abodes and heritage for generating money. At the core of it is one aim. To help people of its districts, especially Pauri Garhwal and Almora, develop the willingness to not leave their homes and villages.

Uttarakhand has suffered on the account of migration - a problem the hills state has been struggling with, owing to a complex set of factors. Its 'ghost villages' might lend stories and photo features to sections of media.

But the 'ghost villages' make a state and region known for its ancient Kedarnath and Badrinath pilgrimage routes, hollow in soul, distant from its own people, heritage, traditions.

When BJP returned to power in the state in 2017, to put things in focus and perspective, and to find solid solutions to the problem of out migration, the Uttarakhand government constituted the rural development and migration commission in 2017.

It would be operating out of Pauri in Pauri Garhwal and not in Dehradun, to get a closer, deeper and sharper view of ground. It is chaired by the chief minister himself.

The idea was to get the vision in place on "focused development" of Uttarakhand's rural areas. The government would be advised, recommendations submitted on issues related to out migration. In focus were districts Pauri Garhwal and Almora which have seen "absolute decline in the population" according to the Commission.

Pauri Garhwal, which cradles the Shri Badrinath and Shri Kedarnath dhaams, is also home to 3447 villages. A section of the report observes: "The 2011 census reports a population of 6, 86,527 of which nearly 83.59% of the population resides in rural areas whereas the rest 16.41% is the urban population. There has been a declining trend in population over the past four census and a negative population growth rate of -1.51 has been reported in 2011 census."

Steered by Dr SS Negi, the Commission presented a detailed report and recommendations on the issue. Most of the valuable recommendations made by the Commission would see women emerging as the important unit of change which in a village centric approach.

Reviving villages by nurturing homestays in Pauri Garhwal is a small grain in Uttarakhand government's mammoth efforts to deal with a gargantuan problem. One thing is clear. The time for entertaining abstraction in dealing with the problem of out migration is over. BJP doesn’t seem to be suffering from any kind of white line fever on it.

Teerath Singh Rawat adds, "Today, residents in the Pauri Garhwal constituency are aware of the help, awareness and initiatives flowing out from the government. Once they get the option of earning money from letting out or using their houses for tourism, they will willingly spend towards maintaining them to make a start."

People in Uttarakhand are looking at government's focus on promoting the idea of home stays as a wise move towards providing a viable source of income to families in the upper districts.

Many residents I met in the Pauri Garhwal constituency believe that it should contribute towards keeping the families in their abode and in a state they have built and belong to. Then, it will also curb, they believe, the fears and reality of urbanisation of hills in the name of tourism, demonic effects of which were seen during the 2013 floods.

Santosh Pushpola, a rafting guide is winding up for the day in Tapovan. He comes from Pauri. He lives in Rishikesh. "The rafting round system has come, and money has improved ever since the government intervened and regularised matters relating to operations of rafting companies. But the guide rates are not good."

According to Pushpola, youth from upper districts gets drawn to rafting-related jobs in Rishikesh for: quick use of inherent skills and strengths, opportunity for training and improving on job, proximity to home villages, and money.

Uttarakhand Tourism Minsiter Satpal Maharaj is working towards the idea of reviving Pandav Padyatra - a journey on foot, which covers the paths, which are believed to be taken by the Pandavas in Mahabharat. This, according to him, would be done on the lines of several traditional yatras in the Kedar and Badri regions. Maharaj adds, "We want to tap the idea of home stays in the remote areas, and create jobs, so that people do not have to leave their abodes and are able to earn money."

Minsiter in Uttarakhand government and popular leader, Dr Dhan Singh Rawat points at some of the initiatives taken by the state government towards tackling the problem. He says, “The investor summit held in Uttarakhand was a success — MOUs for different projects have been signed focussing on, besides other aspects, creating opportunities, workshops, industries and home stays."

Dhan Singh Rawat adds, "We are also working on cluster cooperatives, agri-based initiatives, udyaans, at different levels. Loans to women, benefits to seemant kisan, the small farmers, agri based loans without interest are some."

The Uttarakhand government is creating awareness on Deen Dayal Upadhyaya-Grameen Kaushalya Yojana. "People migrating out of villages in the upper and remote regions have handed over homes to older family members and come to the lower areas. We are telling them that the government tourism department will take care of it. It can be rented out and they will get the money. They will remain in their ancestral homes with their family and they will never be at a loss," Maharaj adds.

In 2014, if Pauri Garhwal constituency voted Narendra Modi the rebuilder, restorer, and revivalist, in 2019, it seems to be also speaking for Narendra Modi the pusher, the pulveriser, the preserver.

Finally

Manish Khanduri is a fresh name with a powerful mentor-guide father's political standing as CM, MP, ex defence personnel; people support, experience and history. He has had a view of campaigns for his father, believes enough has not been done despite BJP's centre- state tandem, speaks out of a fresh and neat worldview-yet-rooted jargon.

Teerath Singh Rawat seems to have an edge - owing to his own years in the region, direct hand at politics as former minister, a wrap of centre-state tandem in projects initiated and in progress surrounding his contest. What adds to his strength is the presence of popular MLAs in some Vidhan sabha constituencies, women voters - especially those from defence personnel families, and the probable edge of being Narendra Modi's representative.

Modi won't let either rest on 'palaayan' if he returns.

This report is part of Swarajya's 50 Ground Stories Project - an attempt to throw light on issues and constituencies the old media largely refuses to engage. You can support this initiative by sponsoring as little as Rs 2,999. Click here for more details.