Ground Report: BJP Sets Out To Reverse Ayodhya Humiliation In Milkipur — But All Is Not Right Yet

It has been over six months since the nation was stunned by the news of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) losing the Faizabad Lok Sabha constituency, which includes the Ram Janmabhoomi in Ayodhya.

Awadhesh Prasad, the Samajwadi Party (SP) leader who delivered this humiliation to the BJP, was a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) from the Milkipur constituency. This seat is expected to go to bypolls along with the assembly elections in Delhi.

The good news for the BJP is that it has managed to reverse the momentum in recent elections—victories in Haryana and Maharashtra have brought much-needed relief to the party. The BJP won in both states despite the odds being stacked against it. Yogi Adityanath’s slogan, "Batenge toh Katenge," in response to the anti-Hindu pogrom in Bangladesh, is believed to have been a key factor driving this success.

In Uttar Pradesh, the party won six out of nine seats, with Kundarki—a Muslim-majority seat—being the standout victory.

The BJP is now gearing up for the ultimate prize: winning the bypoll in Milkipur, which would allow it to reverse the humiliation suffered in Ayodhya during the Lok Sabha polls.

“This time, it is a matter of pride for the BJP. Losing in Ayodhya is no small incident. What didn’t the BJP do for the Ram Mandir, and still, it lost? That is completely unacceptable,” Pramod, a party worker, told this correspondent in Ayodhya.

In Ayodhya, it is difficult to pinpoint a clear macro reason for the BJP’s loss—possibly a result of shifting momentum in recent elections. The abuse and temporary hardships endured by Ayodhyawasis after the Lok Sabha defeat have gradually given way to slightly improved sentiments about the BJP’s electoral prospects.

However, structural problems persist, hindering the penetration of heroic slogans into average households. Aside from a few timely announcements via loudspeakers along the route to the Ram Mandir, emphasizing Hindu unity, the narrative of Hindu unity (batenge toh katenge) has struggled to gain local traction despite speeches by prominent leaders.

The situation, however, is not as dire as in Santhal Pargana, Jharkhand, where the party cadre was almost absent on the ground. While the BJP has no shortage of cadre in Ayodhya, the challenge lies in them becoming stuck, disheartened, and disenfranchised—often by local businessmen—as they grapple with the bureaucracy of daily life.

A renewed and localized effort is essential for a complete course correction in Ayodhya.

That said, there is no doubt that the party’s presence has been a net positive for the pilgrim town.

On the surface, the dominant sentiments in Ayodhya appear to revolve around the Ram Mandir and related developments.

New roads, hotels, transport facilities, traffic lights, rejuvenation projects, and a sense of devotion are common themes across Ayodhya—especially within a five-kilometer radius of the Ram Mandir.

E-rickshaws are ubiquitous, and average fares have more than doubled over the past year. The same trend applies to established tea shops and hotels, which now line nearly every street.

“It wasn’t like this before. Tourists started coming, and they paid whatever we asked without negotiating, so it became normal for us. Now, we charge them and willing locals a bit more. Locals know our rates, so it’s difficult to negotiate with them,” said an e-rickshaw driver, talking about the windfall from the increased tourist footfall.

Many of them say they can now afford to take their children to expensive eateries like Bikanerwala and Udupi2Mumbai, among others. NCR-style eateries offering mid-priced food are also increasing rapidly.

This aspect of the "outsider" phenomenon is in direct competition with the narrative of Gujarati contractors monopolizing contracts.

“Now, more than 80 per cent here are either big businesses or people who left this town decades ago. How wrong is that? There are those we didn’t see for decades, and now they suddenly claim this is their land. We supported Ayodhya, and they abandoned it, but they are gaining more from our decision to hold the fort,” said Anup, a local hotelier.

Ayodhya will likely take around five years to stabilise from the latest wave of investments and developments. Everyone seems to be busy, which is why, whenever politics is brought up, the common response is: “If they [the BJP] had not fielded Lallu Singh, the party would have won [in the Lok Sabha elections]. He didn’t even come to us to ask for votes. I got the pamphlet a day before the election,” said Ram Kesh Yadav.

Young people earning their livelihoods appear indifferent to the issue. However, most of their older counterparts express solidarity with the BJP while also voicing concerns about its immediate future due to discontentment over bureaucratic high-handedness and the declining morale of the party cadre.

“I participated in the [Ram Janmabhoomi] movement. In the 90s, I went to Mumbai to earn a living and have now returned to open a small shop here. What people of my age feel is not exactly what my children feel,” said Shashi Kant, the owner of an evening snack shop.

Frustration With Local Administration

The complaints of mismanagement—highlighted as one of the reasons behind the BJP’s debacle in the Lok Sabha—have only increased in recent months. While many have benefited from the renewed wave of development, those who ended up on the other side are not few in number.

Incidentally, the majority of them are old-school cadres and politicians loyal to the BJP. They have been reduced to partners of small business owners facing daily municipal problems related to road-widening projects.

Shiv Kumar Pandey, a senior BJP member who comes to do daily pooja at the hotel where this correspondent stayed, said, “To reach my house from here, I have to cross four checkpoints set up by the police. The problems we (BJP supporters) face are only known to us. It’s another matter that we don’t say anything.”

His problem is not unique. There are shopkeepers en route to Hanuman Garhi who are unhappy despite the administration’s efforts to provide timely and deserved compensation. They have multiple reasons to be displeased with random orders from the district administration, whose rationale is never provided.

A prasad shop owner near the Central Bank, located just a few meters from the Hanuman Garhi entrance, had to push his shop back due to road construction.

Despite having ample space to accommodate the belongings of at least 50 bhakts, the issue is that it has become difficult for them to reach his shop after the new roads were paved, as a massive railing now exists between his shop and the crosswalk.

When the railing was being erected, contractors and administrators assured him there would be ample space between his shop and the railing for the pavement. The understanding was that bhakts would walk on those pavements while traffic would run on the newly constructed road.

He and hundreds like him agreed to this arrangement, only to feel cheated. The allegation now is that the 'system' worked for wealthier shop owners, who, through alleged connections with contractors and municipalities, were able to position the vacant portion of the railing adjacent to their shops.

As a result, the overall sales in some shops went up, while others were left at a deficit.

“Frustrated by it, I decided to remove the railing and executed the plan at night. The administration or police didn’t react, indicating that the placement of the gap was actually a random decision,” said Shivam Gupta.

His father, a businessman, played an active role in the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. He migrated from Samastipur, Bihar, to participate and fondly recalls one night when he made more than 1,000 rotis for around 120 karsevaks.

Another fond memory is hosting two Kannadigas who stayed at his house for a few days. Though they did not share a common language, their bhakti towards Bhagwan Ram acted as a catalyst for communication.

When asked whether BJP or any of his co-karsevaks helped him, he said that they themselves are frustrated with the administration.

Leaders are not being treated properly, as the passes given to them for hassle-free passage on the temple corridor are revoked on random days by the police. Local estimates suggest that the system remains dysfunctional for 12-15 days each month.

Pandey recalls an incident when BJP’s Mandal chief visited the temple with party workers and supporters. Some members attempted to bring their phones inside, but the security protocol rightly prohibited it. The problem, however, according to Pandey and his colleagues, is that members from other parties are allowed to do the same, taking photos freely. Whether or not this is accurate, it's evident that the party base feels dissatisfied with how the BJP is treating them.

Other party workers receiving ‘privileged’ treatment in place of them is causing reputational damage for BJP leaders who spent their lives building the base for the party here.

Pandey adds that top positions are being occupied by those who were either Congress or SP leaders throughout their lives but have now switched sides for power.

“Pick anyone, whether it is BJP MLA Ved Prakash Gupta or mayor Girish Pati Tripathi. Gupta Ji was always an SP-BSP ideologue, while Tripathi is a lifelong Congress member. These people can’t genuinely be ours,” said Pandey.

“You are a journalist, right? You know BJP cadre is with them because of ideology and wants nothing from them. With INDI Alliance people, even when they are working and earning from the rejuvenation of Mandirs, they will abuse BJP outside. There are some of them in BJP who can’t listen to the criticism of the opposition,” he added.

Sanjay Shukla, former Nagar Adhyaksh of the party, says that ignoring local cadres is going to cost BJP heavily. He is one of the most respected members of the party due to his principled stance on local issues but now does not feel at ease with the party’s working style due to many instances.

For one, Shukla and people associated with him had organised multiple programmes for the party candidate Lallu Singh before the elections. Shukla claims Singh didn’t attend any one of them, and it was a big setback. Singh had been behaving like this for quite some time, but doing it to a senior like Shukla was not expected.

Secondly, Ayodhya has many road blockades due to security reasons. There was one blockade that Shukla and his supporters were particularly fed up with. Despite their complaints, the administration did not open it. After he became a parliamentarian, SP's Awadhesh Prasad threatened to protest, and eventually the blockade was opened.

On a personal level, the worst humiliation Shukla faced was a confrontation with the city SP at a public meeting. Shukla had raised the issue of 'arbitrary' fines imposed on small vendors by the administration. “The City SP didn’t take it kindly and started shouting me down, to which I also started questioning him. A few complainants were present to support me. Later, the SP called to apologize and invited me for snacks. I did not go,” said Shukla.

When asked about the reason, he added, “In any case, I lost the respect of the vendors. Now, when I meet him in person, the label of being in cahoots with the police will be attached to me.”

When asked how this might impact the elections, a BJP worker explained it this way: “So, Shukla ji couldn’t get their job done. Now those who went to him for help are not alone, and their mutual circle must be at least 700-1000 small businessmen. If such a senior member can’t get the job done, the news spreads like wildfire, and next time, none of those people will listen to his appeal to vote for BJP.”

“That’s the thing with the BJP cadre. They will go silent but won’t tilt towards other parties. Same with BJP voters. When Lallu Singh said that he does not care about the programs of the Baniya community because they are fewer in numbers, many of them sat at home but did not vote for SP or BSP,” said a disciple sitting near Shukla.

Milkipur

Milkipur is finally gearing up for the inevitable bypolls after the conclusion of the legal battle involving Awadhesh Prasad and Baba Gorakhnath, the BJP MLA whom Prasad defeated in the 2022 assembly elections (AE). Gorakhnath had challenged the result on the basis of alleged anomalies in Prasad’s election affidavit.

The seat has its peculiar uniqueness when it comes to caste composition. Though it is reserved for Scheduled Castes, Yadavs and Brahmins are also numerically dominant. Among the one lakh ten thousand SC voters, Pasis make up a significantly large block, with reportedly 60,000 votes.

Among non-SC voters, Yadavs are the highest in number, with 65,000 voters. Brahmins, with 50,000 voters, and Rajputs, with 25,000 voters, also have the capacity to swing election results in tight contests, as seen in 2022. Muslim voters number 35,000, while Mauryas are the least, with 8,000 voters.

Going by the caste combination, the seat favours non-BJP candidates, and this has largely been true, except for 1991 and 2017 when Mathura Prasad Tiwari and Baba Gorakhnath, respectively, won on the BJP ticket. However, locals attribute both victories to the larger momentum of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and the BJP wave.

Conventionally, Yadavs and Muslims would vote in the name of the party—SP—while Pasis and other SCs would vote for the candidate, Awadhesh Prasad, due to community bonds and his active presence in the area.

This election is a matter of reputation for both parties. SP wants to show that Prasad’s victory in Faizabad was not a fluke, while the BJP would like to establish that it was an aberration. The Lok Sabha numbers in Milkipur were indeed encouraging for the party.

Ajay Tiwari, Mandal chief for Milkipur Main, said that the party lost by less than 7,000 votes, which is considered a victory in the sense that it used to lose by more than 50,000 votes. Not only that, booth-level data reveals something interesting and a bit of a deviation from the norm.

In Milkipur, the slogan of change in the constitution and tinkering with reservations was not that effective, which is an important point to note considering the fact that it is an SC-reserved seat.

“It’s not that we didn’t win SC-majority villages. Despite so much propaganda, we were able to secure 10-12 SC-majority booths,” said Tiwari.

Tiwari attributes the party’s underperformance to the inclusion of outsiders in the active campaign rather than Lallu Singh’s misadventure.

Interestingly, while Singh’s presence in Ayodhya is on the decline, his loyalists are active for the party in Milkipur.

Demographically, two main challenges await the BJP here are: securing as many SC votes as possible and pulling in a majority of 75,000 'forward caste' (Brahmins and Rajputs) votes.

For SC votes, the party stepped up its efforts immediately after the Lok Sabha election results. Outreach campaigns were organised, with prominent leaders from both Ayodhya and Milkipur taking part. Events like community meetups, panchayats, small rallies, and evening discussions became common.

The BJP's momentum seemed to pick up, and most Dalits this correspondent interacted with seemed to agree on this front. “He is not saying anything wrong. We are at a stage where trusting Yadavs is becoming difficult. To save ourselves from the forwards, we came here (towards SP), and here also, we do not get much relief,” said Nand Ram.

Ram recalls that he was drawn to the SP fold during the Mitrasen Yadav era but is now struggling to find a leader of his stature in the current SP.

Dilip, a person sitting nearby, however says that the BJP only divides and rules. “What he is saying may be right, but we also need good job opportunities and respect from everyone, right?” he said.

When this correspondent asked about these issues and the low penetration of 'batenge toh katenge' in a constituency heading to the polls, the responses pointed to the postponement of the bypoll as the reason.

“Do you think we would be like that? Everyone was active here until it was confirmed that the by-election wouldn’t be held here along with either Haryana or Maharashtra. The activity slowed down by 80-85 percent. Currently, whatever activity you are witnessing here is targeted towards SC voters,” said Ramesh Pratap Singh, a party member.

Details of such outreach are not available in the Milkipur election office of BJP. The office is shut at this time. The person whose compound is used for this office said that Baba Gorakhnath is building a new office in his home which may be used by the party.

For Gorakhnath, this small infrastructure allows him to boost his probability of getting a ticket from the party. He gained notoriety during his previous tenure for allegedly targeting the 'forward' community—taken to be the vote bank of the BJP.

Gorakhnath is alleged to have encouraged the filing of SC/ST Act cases against people belonging to the 'upper caste' communities. Some locals concede that only five to ten per cent of such cases were true.

As a result, a significant portion of the 'upper' castes, especially Brahmins, decided to either relax on voting day or side with SP or Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).

Insurance agent Brahma Dutt Dwivedi was not one of them but does agree with the drift in votes. “For Brahmins, BSP seems better than BJP or SP. If Baba Gorakhnath is given a ticket, then it will be haunting us again. He has not even made efforts to make amends with us,” said Dwivedi.

Apart from Gorakhnath, Chandrabhanu Paswan, Ramu Priyadarshi, and Brijesh Paswan are other contenders.

Currently, Chandrabhanu Paswan seems to be the frontrunner in getting acceptance from both the forward and SC communities. He regularly holds events like community meetings, pujas, award distributions, and dining events on his own. The man is everywhere—from cricket matches to marriage ceremonies, from high-profile weddings to simple tea shops.

“He is a good person. You won’t find his haters here in Milkipur. Also, he is a true Sanatani. You know the BJP ticket distribution strategy. Whether he gets it or not, he will keep working,” said Brajesh Singh, a businessman and BJP worker.

Singh and his colleagues feel that giving a ticket to a non-controversial Pasi and roping in someone like Chirag Paswan could help. “He is a popular face, especially among youth who connect with his energy,” said Singh.

Currently, the party is relying on Yogi Adityanath, Minister for Agriculture Education and Research Surya Pratap Shahi, Sports Minister Girish Yadav, Minister of State for Food and Logistics Satish Sharma, and Minister of State Mayankeshwar Sharan Singh. Additionally, JPS Rathore and MLC Dharmendra Singh, two men with expertise in organization building, are also deployed here.

For instance, while the BJP promotes Ambedkar’s ideas at the top level, it has not been known for catering to the neo-Ambedkarites’ playbook of installing his photos in the homes of average Dalits. This time, however, the party is carrying and distributing his photos. It seems to have realized that the opposition has projected it as an enemy of the man they are actively promoting since the 2014 victory.

Secondly, to address any rumours of a change in the constitution and reservation, the party is establishing telephone booths and collecting phone numbers from SC-dominated areas to prevent a repeat of the misinformation campaign from the Lok Sabha elections.

In addition, community meetings, where people from both 'forward' and SC communities sit and dine together, are regularly organized. “It will only increase as the election approaches,” said a party member at the Sahadatganj office.

On the other hand, SP is also gearing up with prominent faces. It has trusted Awadhesh Prasad’s judgment and given the ticket to his son, Ajit Prasad, despite the latter not being very active in his father’s campaign for the Lok Sabha election.

However, Awadhesh Prasad has taken command of the campaign himself. His house, located at Number Five Crossing in Milkipur, is now designated as the party's election office. Senior Prasad personally oversees the proceedings and arranges weekly review meetings at his home.

At the time of writing, SP cadres were more active than BJP cadres in the constituency. However, a sense of disunity and a lack of a coherent strategy to counter the ‘batenge toh katenge’ slogan seems to be a problem for them.

For instance, the average SP cadre, when confronted with such a question, begins to speak about the usual PDA slogan—unaware that it is an entirely new phenomenon gaining momentum. This also indicates that the high command’s only response to that strategy is intensifying the PDA unity efforts.

On issues related to the Ram Mandir, the average SP member is coming to terms with the fact that Ram bhakti is something they can’t oppose anymore. Statements like “Does Bhagwan Ram belong only to BJP?” are on the average cadre’s lips.

Awadhesh Prasad has a few major headaches before the election. One is the exodus of old loyalists due to allegations of nepotism. Around a week ago, Suraj Chaudhary, a contender for the Milkipur ticket, left the party with 500 supporters, alleging that Awadhesh Prasad exploited his energy and finances during the Lok Sabha elections in exchange for a promise of a by-poll ticket.

Secondly, Awadhesh is also accused by many of having an 'anti-Yadav' bias. Before Prasad became Milkipur MLA in 2012, Anand Sen Yadav—the son of local legend Mitrasen Yadav—held the position. Locals allege that Prasad started sidelining Yadav leaders from senior positions here.

BJP is expecting that a significant number of these Yadavs will help turn the tide in their favor.

It holds the same expectation from the Muslim community. Senior leaders here claim that young Muslims are demanding party positions, promising they will secure the party’s victories in specific booths they have control over. The party has apparently first asked them to deliver votes.

Against the prevailing narrative, local leaders expect to gain five to ten per cent of Muslim votes for the party.