In Mirzapur, This BJP Ally's Victory Margin Came Down By Nearly 2 Lakh Votes In '2024'. Why?

Just like the dynamics in the web series bearing its name, Mirzapur has its political peculiarity. It is not known for being too loyal to any political unit.

Despite that, Mirzapurians have trusted Narendra Modi consistently since 2014 — in both the Lok Sabha and state assembly contests.

But this reporter did pick up signals that in this year's Lok Sabha election, voters of the constituency would have preferred a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate and not one from the Apna Dal.

In nearby Robertsganj, voters expressed dissatisfaction with the ticket distribution of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). This frustration mirrored sentiments in Mirzapur, where Anupriya Patel, leader of the Apna Dal (Soneylal) (AD(S)), narrowly avoided defeat.

While in Roberstganj Lok Sabha of Sonbhadra, Rinki Kol, an AD(S) candidate, lost by 129,234 votes, in Mirzapur, AD(S) chief Patel's victory margin came down from 2.22 lakh votes in 2019 to fewer than 38,000 votes in 2024.

Mirzapur’s demography is dominated by Patels, with 2.5 lakh votes. Brahmins, with 1.6 lakh votes, come second. Dalits, Binds, and Vaishyas are respectively 1.5 lakh-, 1.4 lakh-, and 1.3 lakh-large. Muslims, with 1.29 lakh voters, also hold considerable influence over electoral outcomes.

For many observers, the reduction in the victory margin came as a surprise, but for the people of Mirzapur, the surprise was Patel's victory.

The reason: Patel’s 10-year tenure between 2014 and 2024. She has not been able to convince local voters that she is the best choice, as her absence is a recurring theme in discussions with locals.

“She is a minister in the central government as well as the president of her own party. One shouldn't even expect her to be fully focused on the development of Mirzapur,” said Rakesh Yadav.

Patel’s divided attention resonates across Mirzapur, both rural and urban. Locals allege that a lack of proper oversight on her part has resulted in schemes not reaching the intended beneficiaries, haphazard implementation of projects, corruption, and a feeling of being left behind.

The urban roads are generally defined by the presence of municipal dirt and overcrowding. The area around the famous Ghantaghar, a tourist spot, starts emitting a foul smell during the rain.

“This is the way it has always been. MPs (members of parliament), MLAs (members of the legislative assembly) come and go; nothing changes. I have been seeing this for the last few decades and will die in a few years, but it won’t change,” said Kailash Nath Pathak, who is well into his 80s.

The situation in nearby Vaasuli Ganj Chouraha is a bit better, but locals still feel it needs a significant upgrade. It is arguably the busiest area in Mirzapur, with round-the-clock traffic sometimes.

Manoj Gupta, who runs his decades-old sweets shop in the main market, told us that the main market road has been prodded six times in the last 365 days. One must not confuse it with a roller laying out a new tranche of material and increasing the height of the road.

This cycle has become so repetitive and predictive that it is now a joke for the people nearby.

“That is the trick, sir. You see, if there is any problem in the main city, a huge uproar will be caused, and officers will get another opportunity, most likely new funds, to construct roads. They will take their cut and then send a fixed percentage to public representatives,” said an e-rickshaw driver who had stopped there for a glass of lassi.

The corruption allegations extend beyond road construction. Locals say they tend to avoid reporting minor crimes to the nearby police station, as pursuing legal action often costs more than the actual loss from theft.

“There is so much bribery at the police station that police personnel pay bribes inside their department to get a posting here. They know that Rs 5 lakhs will pay at least 50 lakhs returns. What will these new-age stock market kids earn? They are novices in front of these police people,” said a young employee at a hotel.

The rampant ignorance and officers prioritising their own interests have meant that Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s drive to weed out criminal elements from Uttar Pradesh stands diluted here. 

However, the crime rate in Mirzapur has come down under Adityanath. At the same time, Mirzapur is still more prone to violence than other districts or cities in Uttar Pradesh.

“Even a cricket match may turn violent, and you will find one person running to pierce the other person with a stump,” said Nazim Sheikh, a barber. “Those who do not have work or money only have false egos to satisfy,” interjected a van driver who was packing his luggage nearby.

Still, on the whole, the town seemed glad that markets could operate in relative safety until 10 pm. “Earlier, we used to shut down by 7.30-8 (pm). Now, I can feed you until 10 (pm),” said Makhan Chaurasia, who runs one of the few non-vegetarian restaurants in the city.

Hrishikesh Sharma (name changed due to sensitivity), who manages a hotel, says communal tensions have disappeared from Mirzapur.

“A few years back, we had taken a procession in which the man acting as Lord Hanuman was beaten by Muslims. We vowed not to let them take out their Tazia and were successful,” explained Sharma.

Recalling his Lucknow days during Akhilesh Yadav's tenure, Sharma said it is only because of Yogi that Hindus now have an upper hand. “Compared to the other places of North India, Mirzapur Hindus are united against hate towards our religion,” he said.

The positive perception of improved law and order outweighs the disappointments due to Patel's underwhelming achievements.

To her credit, though, a 75 MW solar park was built at the cost of Rs 528 crore in Vijaypur village. It was inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and French President Emmanuel Macron in 2018.

The park is located in the middle of a forest covering the Vindhyachal mountain range. Despite its beautiful scenery and vast surface area, the idea that its potential remains untapped by authorities is a puzzle.

Another of Patel's achievements is the progress on the Vindhyachal Temple corridor. Devotees from Mirzapur and even countries like Nepal, the United States of America (US), the United Kingdom (UK), and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are now flocking to the site.

Hotels, shops, and parking lots have sprung up in the vicinity. These are in addition to the dozen pooja shops already established in the now-widened road to the main temple.

“Earlier, we used to call customers for taking the prasad from us; now, they themselves come and take the prasad with shraddha (devotion). I just sit and give them what they need,” said Sundram Seth, a shopkeeper near the Vindhyachal Temple gate.

Kumar Sahani, a resident, says his earnings have increased significantly since the announcement of the temple corridor project.

“If they come to visit the temple, our boat is also an option to explore the water. We provide that, and earn good from it,” said Sahani.

Sahani appreciates CM Adityanath and PM Modi for the rise in his fortunes.

This past decade, "Modi ji has done" or "will do well" has been the rallying cry for elections in Mirzapur. It helped Patel secure her third consecutive victory despite an anti-incumbency wave.

The anti-incumbency led to Ramesh Bind, a well-known figure in Mirzapur, secure over 4.33 lakh votes, placing him second in the electoral contest. Manish Tripathi, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) candidate, also captured a significant portion of the vote, particularly from Dalits and some Brahmins.

It was the urban voter — primarily Patels, Brahmins, and Vaishyas — who ultimately saved the NDA in Mirzapur. In the early rounds of counting, which included only rural votes, Patel trailed Bind. The tide turned after 2 pm when the urban electoral voting machines (EVMs) were tallied.

Urban voters appear to have given Patel a final chance, largely due to the sense of safety and security she provides through her alliance with the BJP.

Despite this, they support the candidate chosen by their alliance, knowing that AD(S) lacks significant grassroots backing.

“If you roam around, you will find BJP offices at key places, but AD(S) has barely two to three offices here,” said Niraj Tiwari.

These workers rally BJP supporters behind Patel, who otherwise wouldn't have voted for Patel purely on the basis of her record.

"If the BJP had given the ticket to Vinod Kumar Bind (who won from Bhadohi) or Ratnakar Mishra or even any senior BJP worker here, he would have easily won. But for weird reasons, it (the party) doesn't do it," Tiwari added.