Culture

Attukal Bhagavathi Temple: A Hidden Tale of Patriotism Too

Aravindan Neelakandan

Mar 14, 2025, 06:47 PM | Updated 06:47 PM IST


By Vijayakumarblathur - Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0
By Vijayakumarblathur - Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0

On March 13/14 of 2025 in Thiruvanathapuram, the city of Padmanabha Swami the reclining Vishnu, which also happens to be the capital of Kerala, happens the world's single largest gathering of women.

It is a ten day festival. The ninth day is the most important. Millions of women gather from across Kerala, in all age groups. They celebrate the goddess through the boiling and overflowing rice partridge heated in the temporary oven made by three bricks and the fire from simple fire-sticks.

How did this originate? Who is this goddess? Increasingly she is identified with Kannagi. After she set fire to Madurai through the fire from her breasts, she is said to have come to the Chera country and then became the Goddess.

In Kerala itself her emanation starts with a vision that a member of a house called 'Mullaveedu' (House of Indian Jasmine) had.

It was in the banks of a river called Killiyar. A little girl wanted her to be carried across the stream by the person who had come to take bath. When he offered her to come to his house, she disappeared. Then in a vision he saw her again. He realised her to be a Goddess. She announced her presence in the form of a trident mark in the groove nearby.

In the popular form she is the goddess Badrakali on a Vetali - a quasi demonic quasi divine servant of the gods. Today she is Mahasaraswati as she is fierce Kali. She is the warrior goddess and mother of all.

Then there is another dimension to the goddess.

'Rev' Samuel Mateer (1835-1893) was a typical missionary of his age. A man whose zeal outstripped his comprehension, he left behind a legacy of meticulously catalogued misunderstandings and observations. He, like so many of his era, arrived with the conviction that salvation was a commodity he possessed, and the dark-skinned 'Hindoos', lacked it and, were in dire need of his trade.

One pictures him, quill scratching, brow furrowed, white-bearded as he diligently recorded the 'heathen' practices of Travancore, each observation a testament to his own cultural myopia.

His notes, a veritable museum of misinterpretations, now serve as a peculiar window into yester-century: a distorted reflection, perhaps, yet observations with data that can be discerned. A colonial fundamentalist, indeed, whose legacy is today more a study in the art of exquisitely documented prejudice and yet the documentation is important. He belonged to London Missionary Society (LMS).

According to him 'Attingal' the 'village and palace situated on the bank of the river ... , form the private patrimony of the Ranees.'

According to him this place was called 'Sree Bhágam',(sacred/auspicious portion), and was 'administered by the princesses through their káriakár or manager.'

The queen and princesses would come here once a year and would offer worship at the shrine. According to him the place became a residence for the queens of Travancore from 1305 CE (Malayalam era: 480). They also built the temple for the goddess 'Bhagavathi or Durga'.

Then he reveals a very interesting fact - that 140 British soldiers (mostly belonging to East India Company) were massacred here. This happened in 1721 CE.

The incident was recorded in detail by a Dutch minister Jacob Canter Visscher who was then in Kerala. Letters of Jacob Visscher were translated into English by Major Herber Drury in 1862. Major Drury was also an ex-Regent of East India Company for Travancore.

In this some light is thrown on a very less talked about incident in the history of Travancore - the notorious Anjengo massacre.

Usually it is attributed to the political turmoil that was brewing then in Travancore. The British had established a pepper trading post and had started trading and also employing their soldiers around.

Travancore was having problems as the feudatory confederacy of 'Pillaimar of Eight houses' and the royal family were not in good terms. The British trader William Gyfford was indulging in some malpractices which caused loss for the Indians and huge profits for himself. This is the usual reason given for the tragedy.

Visscher reveals another reason. Of course the economic problems too were there. While generally it was considered that the 'Pillaimar of eight houses' who plotted the massacre and the queen was unaware, Visscher's account is different:

The English seized a heathen medicine master, called a Pandyt, who is always a Brahmin, and compelled him to shave the beards of their slaves, which is an act that Brahmins cannot perform without losing caste. This insult to an order of men so highly honoured, was deeply felt, and vengeance was re-solved upon. Accordingly the natives proceeded to blockade the English fort all round on the land side, preventing the ingress of supplies in this direction. They could not however prevent communication by sea, and as long as the fine weather lasted, the English obtained their supplies by that means.
Jacob Canter Visscher, Letters from Malabar, 1862, p.45

But then the rainy season cut out this communication also. So the British had to come to terms with the Hindus:

At length after the sea was again open, and some English vessels had made their way to the fort, in February 1721, a peace was nominally concluded with the natives, who however reserved a secret intention of wreaking dire vengeance on their foes as soon as a fitting opportunity should occur.
ibid.

Now the British wanted to placate the Queen. And she is always referred to as the Queen of Attingal. Clearly as the king was considered as the servant of Padmanabha, the queen of Travancore seemed to have a connection with Attingal Bhagavati.

The queen outwardly showed hospitality but declined to receive the gifts. She would receive them the next day. Visscher writes:

Meanwhile she pressed them to pass the night at her court, and the Commandant, utterly unsuspicious of danger, assented. Pretending that she was unable to accommodate the whole party in one place, the artful Princess assigned different lodgings for them, so that they should be too much scattered to assist each other in case of need. Then, in the course of the night, the inhabitants fell upon their unfortunate guests and massacred them, and this so thoroughly, that not a single European escaped, though, being armed, they made an energetic resistance.
ibid,, p.46

Some escaped 'coolies' went to the fort where the remaining British were present and alerted them. Had the Hindus continued their attack without delay they could have finished off all the British. But they delayed and the British were able to thwart any further attempt.

It seems, as per the account of Visscher the queen not only knew of the plan to attack the British but had helped the attackers in her own way.

The attack was made not by soldiers but by common Hindus who were angry at the way a Pandit was treated. Nevertheless the queen and the royal house could actually distance themselves officially from the attack. But the British seemed to have learned the lesson. Even though they repulsed further attacks, they did not make any retaliatory attempts.

With Marthanada Varma ascending to the throne the relations with the East India Company became increasingly friendly. Mateer writes that the princess had to surrender her power in 1740. Yet the king continued to honour the Goddess, a maternal yet martial protector symbolised by Her sword.

Mateer gives a detailed account of the Pongal festival as witnessed by him in 1881:

Previous to the arrival of the Rajah, the Pótti Brahmans themselves conduct preliminary rites as follow :- The golden image of Bhagavathi is decorated with silk cloth, bright flowers, sandal paste, &c. , and having been placed on the back of an elephant and held by a priest, it is conducted four times round the pagoda. There are never less than four elephants at the procession ; on this occasion there were eight, on the tallest of which the idol is carried. During the procession a splendid silk umbrella is held over the head of the image by a Brahman. The cortége is accompanied by drumming and music, fireworks, cheering of women and shouting; and the goddess is again placed in the temple.
Samuel Mateer, Native Life in Travancor, 1883, p.124

These are the preparations. And it continues:

After this, two or three people of a caste called ponnara panikkar draw a sketch of Ganesha on the ground in front of the temple, with powders of various colours, such as rice, charcoal, red ochre, dried leaves of the acacia, turmeric and lime. The priest then offers to this figure plantain fruits, parched rice, cakes, sugar, ghee, and coconut water. These offerings are afterwards given to those who have drawn the picture ; and they obliterate it again with further accompaniment of music. The place is then swept, and sprinkled with cow- dung by Sudra women ; and the priest places there an altar adorned with silk cloth. He then takes the sword which is placed before the goddess in the temple, brings it with music to the altar, on which he fixes it upright. Then he offers worship to the sword, presenting flowers, sacred water, and sandalwood.
ibid. pp. 124-125

One should note that various castes participate. Here by 'Shudra women', Mateer means the Nair women. This is an indication of the fluidity of the Varna system as well. Mateer continues:

All this being in readiness some days previously, the Rajah comes in procession, wearing no covering on the head or chest, but only the cloth round the waist, and carrying a sword in his hand. With great pomp and solemn reverence, he approaches the sword upon the altar, and stands before it. The priest now brings a measure of raw rice in a vessel, which he lays in front of the sword. The Maharajah lifts this with his own hand, and gives it back to the priest. The latter then scoops up some of the rice in a hollow conch shell, pours a little three times on the top of the sword, and thrice on the head of the image in the temple: the remainder of the rice in the conch shell he puts on the head of the Rajah. This is called abhishégam— anointing or consecration. It is also called, "Putting rice on the threshing-floor." It may be compared with the old western custom of throwing rice on the bride and bridegroom; and with the Malabar rite in the coronation of Rajahs-a Brahman taking some rice in his hand from a silver dish, and dropping it slowly on the crown of the Rajah three times while proclaiming his titles. During this performance the firing of guns and crackers, drumming and music, the kurava cheer and shouting are continued. His Highness still standing before the sword, the priest enters the temple, brings the garlands of flowers and the sandalwood from the goddess, and presents these in a golden vessel to the king. He receives the gifts, which are called Bhagavathi prasádam, with much humility, and is at liberty to return to the palace.
ibid. p. 125

The festival was a ritual of the King. Though people participated and rejoiced still it was a royal function.

With the proclamation of Chithirai Thirunal Maharaja of all places of worship being made open to all Hindus irrespective of caste the Pongal started gathering momentum and enthusiasm that we see today. This is an instance of how Sri Narayana Guru-Gandhian movement of temple entry naturally catalysed a mass spiritual phenomenon.

Attingal is no longer the temple belonging to women of the monarchy. She as she ever is, belongs to all women. All women are the queens. The Pongal shows the power of Hindu Dharma to move with ease from monarchy, an enlightened and patriotic one at that in Travancore, to democracy.

The ritual explained in detail by Mateer has transformed and adapted itself to the participation of the masses. The millions of women from all background, classes and castes, sitting together in the streets of Thiruvanathapuram around a radius of seven kilometres and all of them making Pongal is devotion, is Matru Shakti and it is Advaita in action.

The original royal festival was enacted in January - along with Makara Sankranthi Pongal.

Sri Lalita Sahasranama Dhyana Sloka says that she is 'Asesha Jana Mohini', She who attracts all humanity without leaving out anyone. We witness that in Attukal Pongala. Also 109th Name of Sri Lalita Sahasranama is 'Mahaasakthi' which Bhaskararaya explains as the one who rejoices in festivities. The transformation of Pongal as a great massive participatory women festival can perhaps best understood as Goddess Herself manifesting as the festival itself.

The monopolistic boundaries of sectarian religions also melt and evaporate as the fire makes the rice, jaggery and coconut put in the water of the earthen pot boil. She is the bricks that make the oven. She is the firewood. She is the fire. She is the overflowing Pongal that becomes the symbol for the sustained abundance we all seek as individuals and as children of earth mother.

Attukal Bhagavathi Pongal is thus a proof of Hindu Dharma as an ever living and evolving religion. In the seven kilometre radius where she is worshipped through concentric circles of millions of brick ovens pongal, by millions of women at the same time, with overflowing pongal, we know that she of the stream of Killiyar is also Jagat Janani - the mother of all existence.


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