The alliance between the Uddhav Thackeray faction of Shiv Sena and the Prakash Ambedkar-led Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) has been described by some as the union of ‘Shiv Shakti’ and ‘Bheem Shakti’.

This is, however, not the first time the Shiv Sena allies with a Dalit party.

In 1978, the Shiv Sena, under Balasaheb Thackeray, had entered into an alliance with the Dalit Panthers. The alliance managed to last four years.

Even in the face of the alliance, the Janata Party swept the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. The Panthers bagged just one seat. Nevertheless, until the late 90s and early 2000s, the founder of Dalit Panthers, Namdeo Dhasal was seen on Sena’s stage on multiple occasions.

Some analysts explain that the ‘alliance’ resulted predominantly from Dhasal’s financial woes rather than any political objectives.

Meanwhile, in the early 1980s, the Government of Maharashtra decided to publish Riddles in Hinduism, a book by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar that critically analysed Hinduism. A section of Hindus found the book as a detriment to their religious practices.

Thackeray led a protest against the publication with thousands of Shiv Sainiks in participation.

In response to this, Dalit organisations marched from the CST to the state secretariat. Around 10 lakh Ambedkarites gathered from across the state. The morcha was stopped at Kala Ghoda from where they went to Hutatma Chowk, and paid their respects to the martyrs who shed blood for unified Maharashtra.

On the very next day, the then-Sena leader Chhagan Bhujbal visited the Hutatma Smarak and reportedly 'cleaned' the memorial with gaumutra. Such was Sena's stance vis-a-vis the SC-Buddhists.

Another instance of clash between the Sena and the Dalits was the Namantar Andolan (name change movement).

The Dalit Panthers in 1978 demanded to change the name of Marathwada University to 'Babasaheb Ambedkar university'. The demand was symbolic but faced tremendous opposition from the Marathas across the Marathwada region. This gave rise to large-scale riots, affecting around 1,200 villages in the region.

Thousands of Dalits sought refuge in forests while some migrated to urban centres. Sena chief Thackeray vehemently opposed the name-change proposal and posed a question mocking the community. He remarked “Gharat Nahi Peeth Ani Magtay Vidyapeeth” (You do not have a loaf of bread to eat but you want a university).

Further, because of Thackeray's comment, the non-Buddhist SCs got attracted towards the party in view of their animosity with the dominant Buddhists in the community.

Fast forward to 2009, when in order to expand its voter base, the then Shiv Sena working president Uddhav Thackeray started to make an outreach to the Republican Party of India (Athawale). This was after the latter’s party president Ramdas Athawale had been left out in the cold by the Indian National Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (INC-NCP) alliance, in Shirdi Parliamentary Constituency polls.

On Balasaheb Thackeray's death, Prakash Ambedkar’s brother-in-law and Maoist sympathiser, Anand Teltumbde wondered, why “no one from the crowds in his death procession asked what was his contribution to anyone except his cronies and goons. Rather, he was responsible for the deaths and devastation of thousands of innocent lives over five long decades”.

He mentioned that Thackeray had a disdain for the Dalits, especially Mahars. Teltumbade also accused the Shiv Sena of instigating the Worli riots, riots in Marathwada and the Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar massacre.

The current phase

Since Uddhav Thackeray was forced to resign as the CM, he first entered into an alliance with the radical Maratha outfit named Sambhaji Brigade. Post that in the month of November 2022, he started hobnobbing with the VBA and then formalised the alliance in January.

However, the alliance raised eyebrows from observers that had known the Sena's outlook towards SC-Budhhists.

The alliance, just like recent alliances of the Sena, exists merely for the survival of both parties. It is also evident that it is struck from a position of weakness.

In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the VBA managed to secure 40 lakh votes and indirectly helped the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in bagging 7-8 parliamentary seats extra across Maharashtra.

The alliance also seems to be following the assumption that the Uddhav Sena will fetch its traditional, sentimental voter base to it, which majorly belongs to the Maratha community.

On his part, Prakash Ambedkar is openly challenging Sharad Pawar by calling him a 'stooge of the BJP'. In that regard, the alliance may even provide a potential exit route to the Shiv Sena (Uddhav) from the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA).

The alliance also appears equally confident for the Mumbai Municipal corporation where many Muslims and Mahars appear to have already formed favourable opinions about the Sena under Uddhav.

The alliance will, however, face a steep challenge from the Bharatiya Janata Party-Balasahebanchi Shiv Sena (BJP-BSS) alliance as the INC-NCP may contest separately.

Also, the vote transfer between VBA and Uddhav Sena could be difficult due to the historical animosity between their respective voter bases.

Importantly, the VBA has not held onto its non-dominant OBC voter base and the party replicating its 2019 performance is unlikely.

Further, Prakash Ambedkar appears to hold a grudge against Sharad Pawar for the latter dividing his Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh Party in 2002.

The VBA may not get along well with the INC too as both parties will contest for the same voter base in East Vidarbha. The alliance of Uddhav Sena with VBA, hence, has increased the fragility of the MVA.

In conclusion, this alliance of opposites will start a new churning in the politics of Maharashtra and ahead of the big contest in 2024, the BMC polls will be the perfect testing ground for the VBA-Uddhav Sena alliance.

Dalit Panthers

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