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The BJP Is Giving Everything To Win Chhindwara Lok Sabha, A Congress Stronghold Since 1952 — Ground Report

Sharan SettyApr 14, 2024, 02:45 PM | Updated Apr 19, 2024, 09:30 AM IST
Incumbent MP from Chhindwara — Nakul Nath and his father Kamal Nath, and Vivek 'Bunty' Sahu of the BJP.

Incumbent MP from Chhindwara — Nakul Nath and his father Kamal Nath, and Vivek 'Bunty' Sahu of the BJP.


In 2014 and 2019, both Lok Sabha elections were fought on the Narendra Modi wave. Many candidates, even faceless ones, managed to win elections because of the brand Modi.

But Madhya Pradesh's Chhindwara could not care less. From the 1980s, senior Congress leader Kamal Nath virtually ruled over the region and has found a place in the hearts and minds of the people of Chhindwara.

Since 1952, Chhindwara has strongly stood with the Congress. Kamal Nath was undefeated even in the aftermath of the emergency in 1977.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was only able to win just once, briefly, on Nath's turf in 1997, when former chief minister of Madhya Pradesh Sunder Lal Patwa defeated Kamal Nath by a small margin.

This was amid an ongoing scandal involving hawala allegations against Kamal Nath. The public sentiment was against him, and despite that, his opponent won only by a narrow margin.

At any given point, it is said that Kamal Nath can walk out independently or join another party with the support of 50 MLAs.

But ahead of the 2024 elections, things seem a bit different. Not out of sheer luck, but partly due to BJP's strategic political manoeuvring, it may just be able to do what was considered impossible — beat Kamal Nath and his family on their turf.

On The Ground In Chhindwara

Chhindwara is a quaint, silent town that goes about its business. Most people are engaged in agriculture, with a few textile manufacturing industries sprinkled over the district.

There's only one super fast train — Patalkot Express — that plies between Delhi and Chhindwara. It takes around 18 hours to get there. One could take a flight to Jabalpur, Bhopal or Nagpur, but it will still take you anywhere between four to six hours to reach Chhindwara by a connecting bus or train.

Come election season, the whole town is decorated with flags flying atop buildings — both the BJP and Congress in a few places.

Symbols of major political parties are tattooed on the walls of many homes throughout the region — some still permanently inked since the previous assembly elections.

There's not so much of 'brevity' in them though, since a lot of them enlist promises as they are, in an attempt to oversimplify them for the voters — 'gas cylinder milega keval 500 main', 'Kamal Nath ko banana hain Madhya Pradesh ka Mukhya Mantri'. This graffiti has somehow become the town's landscape and has come to define the style.

Locals here love to talk about politics until they know you are from the media. But I did not have to disclose anything, since many were able to figure it out on their own due to their limited interaction with outsiders.

As we set off to talk to locals, our first conversation was with Sewanti, who is a senior citizen living in Chhindwara's Noniya Karbal. She says that her family of six traditionally voted for the Congress, but since the last assembly election, their loyalty now lies with the BJP.

"Our neighbours criticised us for voting for the BJP. I cast my vote for Mamaji because of Laadli Behena and other benefits we are receiving. As an aged person, I am still forced to work to make a livelihood for my husband and children. But because of government benefits, my life is a little easier now," she says, carrying freshly ground flour from a nearby mill.

Sewanti's life has been difficult ever since she decided to vote for the BJP. Her neighbours no longer speak to her, and she was allegedly threatened by the supporters of a political outfit for being vocal about her support of the BJP.

She says she remembers the dark days under the Congress rule in the state, and she no longer wishes for such a situation to prevail in Madhya Pradesh.

"Jo asli kaam kar raha hain, usi ko vote denge," she adds, stating that her vote belongs to the person who is doing actual work for the people. She dislikes the concept of having to depend on a political party and their grants for survival, which is the reason why she continues to work at that age.

The Prominent Urban-Rural Divide

Apart from Chhindwara city, most constituents live in villages spread across the region. Speaking to Swarajya, party insiders in the local BJP unit say that Kamal Nath's core strength was derived from the rural and tribal voters in the region.

While most urban voters are with the BJP, the party is still struggling to make inroads into the isolated pockets of the region where Kamal Nath and his associates have been maintaining their vote bank by deputing local in-charges to deal with issues on the ground.

A journalist in Chhindwara's Paradsingha village working for a Hindi daily says that the 'mukhyas' of the village or the patriarch of the house decides who the vote will go to. In most cases, these men have been associated with the Nath family for decades, and have been loyal to him since then.

"We don't think defections will hurt Kamal Nath ji a lot. People in the countryside are still strongly with him, despite whatever nonsense Sahu and his men spread about Kamal Nath ji. They intend to defame his good name and spread rumours about him. We receive help from his family every time we are unable to pay a hospital bill or have to get our children admitted to a school or college," they say, in unison.

But the urban voters seem to think differently. The highway connecting Nagpur to Chhindwara seems fresh, and free of potholes. It has a great view at certain points and the locals cannot agree more.

They say that the travel time between Chhindwara and cities like Nagpur, Jabalpur and Bhopal has drastically come down. People are also seeing the high-handedness of the Kamal Nath family as an act of arrogance in an age where people expect politicians to be more and more accessible.

I asked a fruit seller, a young man in his early 20s, about the 'mahaul' in the area.

"There's been a lot of defections from the Congress, and it seems to me that the BJP is benefitting as a result of it," he says, dragging me away from the fruit stall before I could click a picture. He did not want his location made obvious, hence asked if I could take a close-up shot of him instead.

"Most people in the city vote for Bunty bhaiya, since he is very accessible to us and has been trying to. There has not been any progress in Chhindwara, although Kamal Nath ji has tried to do his bit. But this time, it looks like the BJP has a lead in Chhindwara," adds Devkaran Baghmare.

In private, people acknowledge that there has been little development in the region. Conversations with scores of people across different Vidhan Sabhas in Chhindwara yielded this response —

"We have a medical college in Chhindwara. Apart from that, there are no employment opportunities. Kamal Nath has been helping some of the villagers with their hospital bills, and providing school and college admission fees for our children, but that's about it. People are yearning for more progress. We respect Kamal Nath ji, but the same cannot be said about his son Nakul Nath," they say.

Hoarding put up by a supporter of Vivek 'Bunty' Sahu in Chhindwara.

Sewanti, a local of Chhindwara, is hoping for a change this time.

Congress campaign slogans inked on a wall in Chhindwara in 2023.

Devkaran Baghmare, a fruit seller in Chhindwara.

The 101-ft Hanuman murti in a temple in Chhindwara, sanctioned by Kamal Nath a few years ago.

Kamal Nath and Nakul Nath partaking in a puja at the temple in 2015.

Some vendors outside the temple premises, overlooking the Nagpur-Chhindwara highway.

Vendors outside Hanuman Lok in Chhindwara's Jam Sawali.

The temple complex under construction at Hanuman Lok.

Accommodation arrangements are under construction, and will be finished soon.

The highway to Nagpur from Chhindwara.

A valley view of Chhindwara, amid the jungle in the region.

Some locals from Paradsingha, just a few kilometres away from the Maharashtra border.

Some more wall art.

'Indira Gandhi's Third Son'

In February, as Rahul Gandhi's Nyay Yatra was underway in Madhya Pradesh, most MLAs from Chhindwara — from Kamal Nath's camp — were missing from the scene. Nath and his son had landed in Delhi and rumours about Kamal Nath joining the BJP with his son made it to the media.

According to reports, Kamal Nath was upset with the party leadership for removing him from the post of the president of state Congress. He felt humiliated and was reportedly planning to join the BJP in Delhi.

Nakul Nath dropped 'Congress' from his bio, making things seem more serious. Nothing was considered impossible after a long list of Congress leaders defected from the party to join the BJP over the last few months. But Kamal Nath has been a loyalist of the Gandhi family for decades, and would not easily do so. In a press conference, he denied the rumours and stated that he has no plans of joining the BJP.

Jitu Patwari, Madhya Pradesh Congress president, went to the extent of calling Kamal Nath 'Indira Gandhi's third son' and went on to dismiss the rumours.

A few days later, Kamal Nath's son was announced as the Congress candidate from Chhindwara, which is going to polls in the first phase on 19 April 2024. Nath junior has declared assets worth Rs 717 crore, making him the richest candidate in the first phase of polling. He travels in his chopper to campaign across the region — something the locals are not very pleased with.

Most locals, when asked about Nakul Nath's contribution to the constituency as its parliamentary representative, either blank out or recall his father's contributions. Most of them name the medical college as Kamal Nath's contribution, which the BJP claims is their achievement.

'Parivaarvad' — nepotism seems to be a major talking point in town. Locals are questioning how Nath's son made so much wealth on his own. They are more fond of Vivek 'Bunty' Sahu — the BJP's candidate — since he is easily accessible to the people of Chhindwara.

"Bunty bhaiya does not fly in a helicopter. He lives in Chhindwara city, and most of us know where and when to meet him if problems persist. He is a grounded man, one of us, and not an outsider who has come to rule us for decades," a local vegetable vendor in Chhindwara tells Swarajya and requests not to be named.

Kamal Nath's wife had briefly come to represent the constituency in the late 1990s when her husband faced allegations of corruption.

Nakul Nath's wife Priya Nath also campaigns for her husband and is seen supporting him publicly, singing and dancing to devotional tunes with the wives of farmers in the constituency.

Chunavi Bhakt Versus Hanuman Bhakt

About 20 kilometres away from Chhindwara city, a 101-foot statue of Hanuman oversees the massive landscape filled with trees. Apart from a highway that connects the region with Nagpur, nothing is visible around the area except for the temple and the statue atop it. There are a few shops nearby selling pooja samagri.

According to media reports, Kamal Nath survived a deadly accident while traversing through the area about two decades ago. He believed that Lord Hanuman alone saved him. He decided to build a temple in his honour in Chhindwara.

Nath claims to have built the statue in three years, which also happens to be one of the tallest Hanuman murtis in India, taller than the one in Delhi's Chhattarpur by eight inches.

Every time Nath visits the region, he performs an aerial 'parikrama' in his chopper as a mark of devotion to Lord Hanuman.

In 2022, Nath got embroiled in a controversy when he cut a cake that was designed like the Hanuman temple he built in Chhindwara. It was enough for his political opponents to call him 'anti-Hindu', but Nath does not seem to shy away from chanting 'Jai Bajarangabali' when needed. He goes as far as accusing the BJP of being 'chunavi bhakts'.

When Chief Minister of Assam Himanta Biswa Sarma was campaigning in the region last year, he challenged Nath to "set 10 Janpath on fire" if he was a true Hanuman bhakt. This was in the context of an alleged anti-Hindu remark by an alliance member of the Congress in Tamil Nadu.

While Kamal Nath played to the gallery by inviting several spiritual and religious leaders to Chhindwara, Sahu was busy wooing the voters by portraying the image of a Shiv Bhakt.

Ahead of the polls in 2023, the then chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan had announced the establishment of 'Hanuman Lok' in Chhindwara — an ambitious project which is underway for Rs 314 crore.

The BJP government hopes to develop the Hanuman Lok project on the lines of Mahakal Corridor in Madhya Pradesh. It would consist of a courtyard with sculptures and artwork depicting the child form of Lord Hanuman in an area spread across 90,000 square feet. A 500-foot 'Chiranjivi Path' would lead the devotees towards the temple's entrance which is inspired by Maratha architecture.

While a perception battle has been ongoing since the last assembly election, it seems to have not stopped since the same candidate has been announced this time too.

Except, the BJP genuinely believes there is a chance for them since it is Nakul Nath who is contesting in place of his father who is already an MLA from the local assembly constituency in Chhindwara.

Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Dr Mohan Yadav has vowed to end the 45-year rule of one family and told the media that the "local boy" will win Chhindwara this time.

Twice Beaten, But Not Shy

Vivek Sahu, fondly called 'Bunty' by the locals of Chhindwara, is the BJP's candidate this time. In the past, Sahu has taken on Kamal Nath twice in the past — once during the 2019 by-poll election and then the 2023 assembly polls — but has remained unsuccessful.

But both, the BJP and Sahu, seem confident of securing a victory this time. Even in the 2023 assembly elections, Vivek 'Bunty' Sahu had a face-off with Kamal Nath, but eventually conceded defeat by a margin of 25,837 votes.

Back then, to boost Sahu's prospects, the BJP had deployed election managers from Delhi and Bhopal to design a campaign against Kamal Nath. The Congress leader still managed to win, but Sahu had proved once again that a potential win was not a pipe dream for the BJP in the future.

In that same election, while the BJP managed to bag a majority by winning 163 of 230 seats in the state, Kamal Nath and his associates won all seven assemblies in Chhindwara, maintaining his influence in the region even after four decades of being in politics.

Seven assemblies are Junnardeo (ST), Amarwara (ST), Sausar, Chourai, Chhindwara, Parasiya (SC) and Pandhurna (ST). All the seven MLAs belong to the Congress, except the scion of Amarwara — Kamlesh Pratap Shah — who joined the BJP recently defecting from the Congress.

Shah is a three-time MLA from Amarwara and happens to be a member of the erstwhile Harrai royal family.

His defection may cost the Congress around 25,000 tribal votes since Shah is popular among them. More than that, it gives the BJP a shot-in-the-arm in the perception battle against the Nath family in Chhindwara, since Shah was considered to be one of his closest allies.

Apart from Shah, many other Congress leaders have been leaving the Congress to join the BJP. This includes two former MLAs (Shah and Dipak Saxena), Vikram Ahakey — Mayor of Chhindwara, seven municipal corporators and the chairman of the local municipal council Ujjawal Singh Thakur. Kamal Nath has accused them of 'cheating' him by joining the BJP.

He claims to have dedicated his entire life to the development of 2,000 villages in the district, and in an emotional speech at a rally in Pandhurna, called himself the 'Chief Minister of Chhindwara' recently.

In 2019, Nakul Nath won the general election by a margin of 37,536 votes — not an impressive one. Consistently, over the years, the father-son duo have been losing a grip in the Mahakoshal region, and data proves the same.

While many BJP candidates won their respective constituencies by a margin of at least one lakh votes, Kamal Nath, who later went on to become the chief minister of the state, was reduced to a few thousand. With his son struggling to barely scrape through in 2019, the BJP is finally optimistic about beating Nakul Nath in the upcoming elections.

Key Takeaways

Contradicting media reports aside, the perception battle that the BJP has started against the Kamal Nath family seems to be serving its purpose. Kamal Nath's presence had an element of permanence in Chhindwara, and that is precisely what the BJP wanted to target.

In portraying his wife and son as privileged people who promote 'parivaarvaad', the BJP has been trying to send a message to the people that the slow, but gradual decline of the Congress leader is well on its way.

By investing in Bunty Sahu for the third time, the BJP seems to be sending a message across to the voters that they believe in their candidate, and that he is capable of taking on Nakul Nath this time.

The BJP has also put its weight behind Bunty's campaign, and seems to be deploying heavy-weights to campaign for the local candidate. They have a clear message:

The Congress party and Kamal Nath have done very little for the region despite being in power for decades. 'Mamaji' Shivraj Singh Chouhan's welfare programmes have been successful, and will continue to provide for the poor even under the leadership of incumbent Chief Minister Dr Mohan Yadav.

One family cannot rule forever, and that the incumbent MP Nakul Nath is unavailable, inaccessible for the common man, whereas their candidate is a 'local boy' who is available 24x7, and lives among them and doesn't necessarily have a chopper that he can hop on to, when he needs to travel from one place to the other.

Meanwhile, the Nath family seems to be making emotional appeals to the voters, by terming defectors as 'betrayers' and that the family had to go through an 'agnipariksha' because of them. Sahu, in an interview, stated that all the MLAs in the region belonged to the BJP in 2004, so winning the seat is not an impossibility.

The BJP's mind games against the Congress may just work, since the voters are now beginning to see the possible decline of the Kamal Nath influence over the region. If he is in a position where his closest aides are deserting him to join the BJP, then it does send across a message to the voters that not everything is okay with the Congress in Chhindwara.

Lastly, the fact that there was a strong rumour that the father-son duo may join the BJP has made them rethink whether Nakul Nath can really sustain his father's goodwill and influence in the region.

This report is part of Swarajya's 50 Ground Stories Project - an attempt to throw light on themes and topics that are often overlooked or looked down. You can support this initiative by sponsoring as little as ₹2999. Click here for more details.

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