The Anti-Palace political parties that had sprung up in Sikkim, represented the voice of the Nepali population, which had no representation in the monarchy, and it inadvertently worked towards hastening the annexation of Sikkim to India. Though the main aim of these parties was to end monarchy and establish democratic government that was more representative of the true ethnic make-up of the state, they took the support provided by the Indian government without understanding its true intentions.

The book has especially emphasized on how heavy demonstrations were organized by these parties around Gangtok to put pressure on the Chogyal, with the help of monetary support from the Indian government. One such protest in the April of 1973 compelled the Chogyal to request the Indian government to take control of his country as his Royal guards were once again hugely outnumbered by the protesters.

The Indian government pounced at the opportunity, transferring full power in the state to the Indian Chief Executive meanwhile maintaining Chogyal as a mere constitutional monarch. To avoid the ire of the political parties, whose aim was not to merge with India but to establish democracy in Sikkim, bags full of cash were parceled out to influential people in the parties in order to win their acquiescence to the new state of affairs.

Nearing its end, Sikkim held its last election as an Indian protectorate in the April of 1974 which was conducted under the supervision of the Indian election commissioner and other senior officers from India. The main opposition party, Sikkim National Congress (SNC), swept to victory in 31 out of 32 seats more so due to the favorable delineation of constituencies decided by the Indian election commissioner.

Immediately after forming the government, the SNC leadership tabled 15 resolutions almost certainly prepared with the help and encouragement of Mr. B.S. Das (Chief Executive appointed by the Government of India) and his assistants. It stated that the assembly should resolve to draw up a constitution and to take immediate steps for Sikkim’s participation in the political and economic institutions of India.

One of the resolutions was to reduce the Chogyal to no more than a constitutional head of the Government of Sikkim. With full majority in the assembly, resolutions were quickly passed. The Indian constitutional adviser, an eminent jurist G.R. Rajagopal, was tasked with drafting the constitution of Sikkim. The recommendations were drafted with astonishing speed and sent to the Chogyal for his opinion on it.

The book has described the draft constitution less like a framework for a democratic Sikkim and more like a proposal for integration with India. It was unacceptable to all parties including the Chogyal and the SNC government. Demonstrators started to appear on the street and that was when Das called for an immediate session of the assembly.

Unable to understand the proposals tabled in the assembly (assembly members were not proficient in English), members unanimously agreed to all proposals of the constitutional advisor. As the author has mentioned, the Chogyal stepped up his futile efforts to keep the sovereignty of Sikkim by pleading with the Indian administration, but his requests fell on deaf ears.

In early 1975, the Chogyal travelled to Kathmandu to attend the coronation of Nepal’s King. He held a press conference in Nepal where he dramatically challenged the legitimacy of the 1974 constitutional amendment that made Sikkim an associate state of India.

The Kathmandu insolence made the Indian administration furious and provoked India for the final showdown with the Chogyal.On 7 April, the Indian government moved-

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