Karnataka
Sharan Setty
Jan 07, 2025, 01:25 PM | Updated Feb 01, 2025, 02:38 PM IST
Save & read from anywhere!
Bookmark stories for easy access on any device or the Swarajya app.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) faced a stark reality check following the Karnataka's 2024 Lok Sabha elections when it lost four crucial Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) reserved seats — Kalaburagi, Chamarajanagara, Raichur, and Bellary.
The setback was further amplified when a senior SC leader publicly expressed frustration over being denied a cabinet berth post-election.
These incidents bring to light a deeper crisis: The BJP's struggle to build strong SC leadership and overcome its image as an "upper-caste party" in Karnataka. The party's challenges with the Scheduled Caste community run deeper than mere electoral mathematics, touching upon fundamental issues of representation, perception, and political strategy.
The Numbers Tell a Story
Karnataka's political landscape is significantly shaped by its Scheduled Caste population, which comprises 17.5 per cent of the state's total population according to the 2011 census. This demographic reality translates into substantial electoral influence, with 36 assembly seats reserved for SCs and their presence significantly impacting outcomes in many general seats.
The reserved constituencies are spread across various regions of Karnataka, from the northern districts to the southern parts of the state, making SC voters a crucial factor in state-wide electoral calculations. The BJP's performance in these constituencies tells a story of consistent struggle. In the 2023 Assembly elections, the party managed to win only seven of the 36 SC-reserved seats, while Congress secured 21.
This dramatic difference becomes even more significant when considering that in 2018, the BJP had won 24 of the combined SC and ST reserved seats. The sharp decline in performance suggests a deeper disconnect between the party and SC voters, one that goes beyond simple electoral strategy.
Understanding this decline requires examining the complex composition of Karnataka's SC population. The community is broadly divided into three main categories: 'Right' Dalits (predominantly Holeyas), 'Left' Dalits (mainly Madigas), and 'Touchable' Dalits (including groups like Lambanis and Bhovis). Each of these groups has distinct political aspirations and social dynamics, making a one-size-fits-all approach ineffective.
The Historical Context
The relationship between SC voters and political parties in Karnataka has been shaped by decades of social justice movements and political representation. The political consciousness of Dalits in the state was fundamentally shaped by leaders like B. Basavalingappa and D. Devaraj Urs, who championed affirmative action and social justice in the 1970s and early 1980s.
Urs, in particular, implemented transformative policies that benefited backward classes and Dalits, establishing a framework for caste-based political mobilisation that continues to influence Karnataka politics today.
Congress's historical connection with SC communities was built through these movements and strengthened through consistent leadership development and representation. The party's approach wasn't limited to electoral politics; it involved sustained engagement with Dalit intellectuals, activists, and community leaders. This created a deep-rooted network of support that the BJP has found difficult to penetrate.
The evolution of SC political consciousness in Karnataka has been marked by several key phases. The initial period of post-independence consolidation saw the emergence of Dalit voices within the Congress framework. This was followed by a period of assertion and independent political mobilisation in the 1970s and 1980s, with many Lingayat leaders emerging as its chief ministers. The 1990s and early 2000s saw the rise of new political formations and realignments, but Congress maintained its position as the primary political vehicle for SC aspirations.
The Leadership Vacuum
The stark contrast in SC leadership between the BJP and Congress represents one of the most visible manifestations of the BJP's challenge. Congress has cultivated a strong lineup of SC leaders across different sub-communities and regions. Mallikarjun Kharge, who rose from state politics to become the Congress national president, set a template for many other leaders to emerge who emulated Kharge’s model of leadership development. His journey from a local leader to heading India's oldest political party set a powerful narrative of political empowerment.
Beyond Kharge, Congress boasts of leaders like Dr G Parameshwara, whose tenure as Deputy Chief Minister broke new ground for SC representation in Karnataka's power structure. K.H. Muniyappa's long stint as Union Minister displayed the party's willingness to entrust significant responsibilities to SC leaders. The current crop of younger leaders like Priyank Kharge and Satish Jarkiholi represents continuity in this tradition of leadership development.
In contrast, the BJP's SC leadership appears thin and lacks mass appeal. While leaders like Govind Karjol and A. Narayanaswamy have held significant positions, they haven't emerged as unifying figures comparable to their Congress counterparts. The recent appointment of Chalavadi Narayanaswamy as Leader of the Opposition in the Legislative Council, while significant, is viewed by many as too little, too late.
This leadership vacuum isn't merely about numbers; it's about the quality and nature of representation. Congress's SC leaders have often been given autonomous decision-making power and real political authority. In contrast, BJP’s SC leaders are often seen as dependent on the party's upper-caste leadership for political direction and support.
The Perception Battle
The BJP faces a fundamental challenge in Karnataka: its image as a party primarily representing upper-caste interests. As Dr Sandeep Shastri, a well-known political observer who tracks Karnataka politics closely, explains, "The BJP has been able to make an impact limited to those communities within the SC fold who are sold on the whole Hindutva narrative or align with the cause." This perception is deeply rooted and reinforced through multiple channels. The party's organisational structure, leadership composition, and political messaging often inadvertently confirm this image despite attempts to broaden its appeal.
Several factors contribute to this perception:
The limited ministerial representation during BJP's tenure stands in sharp contrast to Congress's approach. While the current Congress government has six Dalit ministers holding significant portfolios, the BJP's previous government had only two SC ministers. This numerical disparity sends a powerful message about each party's commitment to SC representation.
The BJP's political strategy in Karnataka has traditionally revolved around consolidating support among dominant castes, particularly Lingayats and Vokkaligas. While this approach has brought electoral success, it has reinforced the party's image as primarily serving upper-caste interests. The focus on these communities often comes at the cost of developing deeper connections with SC voters.
Controversial statements by party leaders on reservation and social justice issues have further damaged the BJP's standing among SC voters. These statements, even when retracted or clarified, leave lasting impressions and feed into the narrative of the BJP being unsympathetic to Dalit concerns.
The party's ideological position on various social issues sometimes conflicts with the aspirational politics of SC communities. Dr Shastri observes that "the BJP suffered a setback in reserved constituencies because of a perception that was formed after certain leaders made 'anti-reservation' and anti-Constitution remarks." While the BJP banks on cultural nationalism and Hindu unity, many SC voters make social justice and economic empowerment their priority while exercising their political choices.
The Internal Reservation Complexity
The issue of internal reservations within the SC quota coats another layer of complexity in the BJP’s relationship with SC communities. The Basavaraj Bommai government's attempt to introduce a sub-quota formula — allocating 6 per cent for 'Left' Dalits, 5.5 per cent for 'Right' Dalits, and 4.5 per cent for 'Touchable' Dalits — was a courageous move despite the obvious challenges inherent in implementing such reforms.
The internal reservation debate brought to front the conflicting interests within the SC community itself. The Madiga community categorised as 'Left' Dalits, have long argued that they receive a disproportionately small share of reservation benefits compared to Holeyas ('Right' Dalits). The Banjara community's protests against the sub-quota formula went on to show how attempts to address these disparities can create new political challenges instead of addressing unresolved ones.
The BJP's handling of this issue showcased the difficulties in balancing different sub-caste interests. While the party was somewhat successful in initiating the long-standing demands for internal reservation, the implementation process and resulting protests highlighted the need for more extensive consultation and consensus-building within SC communities.
Failed Attempts at Course Correction
The BJP has made several attempts to strengthen its position among SC voters, but these efforts have often fallen short of creating a lasting impact. Former state executive member of the SC Morcha, Bhargavi Dravid, points to recent initiatives: "Just recently, the BJP organised the Badalavanegagi Bhima Samavesha (Ambedkar for Change) and Madiga Munnade (Madigas Forward) program in the Bengaluru headquarters of the party. Even Yediyurappa ji (B S Yediyurappa) was pleasantly taken aback seeing the number of SC leaders present during the event." However, while well-intentioned, these programs have not translated into sustained political support.
The party has tried to create organisational structures ensuring community representation, but these efforts often appear more formal than substantive. The SC Morcha, the party's dedicated wing for SC affairs, hasn't evolved into a powerful platform for articulating and addressing community concerns.
The appointment of SC leaders to key positions, while important symbolically, hasn't addressed the fundamental issue of developing mass leaders from the community. P Rajeev, one of the general secretaries of BJP Karnataka, defends the party's approach: "I'm myself a Lambani, there are many other leaders within the party who have risen ranks like N Mahesh, A Narayanswamy, Chalavadi Narayanaswamy, Prabhu Chavan to name a few. It's wrong to say that the BJP is meant only for certain communities."
However, Dr Sandeep Shastri offers a different perspective: "There's one major perception battle that the BJP must overcome, which is that there are no 'visible' mass leaders from the community. There is a growing sentiment that the party believes in mere tokenism." This contradiction between the party's claims and public perception illustrates the depth of the BJP's challenge.
The Road Ahead
The BJP's inability to secure significant SC support has profound implications for its electoral prospects in Karnataka. Without strong backing from this crucial demographic, the party has struggled to cross the magic mark of 113 seats needed for forming a government on its own. This electoral mathematics makes addressing the SC challenge not just desirable but essential for the party's future in Karnataka.
To address this challenge, the party needs to implement comprehensive changes at multiple levels:
Leadership Development: The BJP needs to invest in identifying and nurturing SC leaders who can emerge as mass leaders. This requires giving them real political power and autonomy, not just ceremonial positions.
Policy Orientation: The party needs to develop and articulate clear policies addressing SC concerns about education, employment, and social justice. As Bhargavi Dravid acknowledges, "It is difficult to defeat that sentiment unless we have something else to offer or an alternative at the very least where we can prove that these schemes are not helping them in anyway." These policies need to go beyond welfare measures to address structural inequalities.
Organisational Changes: The party's organisational structure needs to reflect genuine power-sharing with SC leaders and communities. This includes representation in decision-making bodies and key party positions.
Cultural Transformation: The BJP needs to work on changing its image from being an "upper-caste party" to one that genuinely represents all sections of society. This requires both symbolic and substantive changes in how the party operates.
The BJP's SC challenge in Karnataka is not just about winning reserved seats; it's about transforming its fundamental relationship with a significant portion of the state's population. Until the party can convince SC voters that it represents their interests genuinely and not just symbolically, this crucial voting bloc will likely remain an electoral challenge.
The recent electoral setbacks and public discontent among SC leaders serve as a wake-up call for the BJP. As Karnataka's political landscape continues to evolve, the party's ability to address these challenges may well determine its future in the state. The path forward requires not just a political strategy but a fundamental rethinking of how the party engages with SC communities and their aspirations.
Sharan Setty (Sharan K A) is an Associate Editor at Swarajya. He tweets at @sharansetty2.