Kanhaiya Kumar Revives CPI In Begusarai, Breaks Lalu’s Muslim-Yadav Alliance, Helps BJP 

क्षमाशील हो रिपु-समक्ष तुम हुये विनत जितना ही, दुष्ट कौरवों ने तुमको कायर समझा उतना ही।

सहनशीलता, क्षमा, दया को तभी पूजता जग है, बल का दर्प चमकता उसके पीछे जब जगमग है ।

If the first two lines represent India’s security strategy vis-a-vis its sworn enemy Pakistan during the past few decades, the last two lines characterises the philosophy behind the muscular stance taken by the present government in the last five years while responding to attacks launched from across the border. Post Balakot airstrike, this ‘badlaav’ (change) has become the biggest issue in the 2019 general election much to the chagrin of opposition that glorifies capitulation to Jihadis as some clever doctrine christened as “strategic restraint.”

But my reason for quoting rashtrakavi Ramdhari Singh Dinkar here is different.

From India’s freedom struggle against the British to that against Indira Gandhi’s emergency, Dinkar inspired millions by writing the most rousing poems laced with nationalistic fervour. Born in Simariya on the banks of Ganga in Bihar’s Begusarai, he went on to become the voice of nationalists and their aspirations of aazadi (freedom).

Kanhaiya Kumar, who is the Communist Party’s candidate from Begusarai, grew up in Bihat, just eight km from Dinkar’s home. Kumar needs no introduction. He gained national notoriety for backing the anti-national chants of his comrades at JNU that would’ve made Dinkar’s blood boil.

The CPI chose to field Kanhaiya from Begusarai not just because it’s his home constituency but because it was once a communist stronghold and earned itself the sobriquet “Leningrad of Bihar”. In 1962, Begusarai’s Teghra assembly constituency elected Bihar’s first CPI MLA, Chandrashekhar Singh, who would go on to build the party in the state and take it from strength to strength.

The CPI’s winning streak from Teghra would break only in 2010. Since the mid 1990s, communists have been losing ground and now reduced to a one-district party. Via Kanhaiya Kumar, who is related to communist stalwart Chandrashekhar Singh (Kumar’s grandfather and Singh’s father were brothers), the CPI hopes to get a new lease of life not just in Begusarai but in the whole of Bihar.

Now, Kanhaiya is not only spitting at Dinkar’s nationalism, he is reviving the moribund communist party in the land of Dinkar, who had registered his protest in his typical way when communists prioritised their ideology over nationalism (Moscow over Delhi) during his time.

चिल्लाते हैं विश्व-विश्व कर जहां चतुर नर-नारी, बुद्धि भीरु सकते न डाल जलते स्वदेश पर पानी

जहां मॉस्को के रणधीरों के गुण गाये जाते, दिल्ली के रुधिराक्त वीर को देख लोग सकुचाते।

Clearly, communists got to Kanhaiya before Dinkar could.

What is more unfortunate is that neither Kanhaiya’s communism nor the fact that he has been chargesheeted by Delhi police for sedition bothers most people in Begusarai Lok Sabha constituency that this correspondent talked to. For them, he is a padha likha yuva, gareeb ka beta who went on to earn his PhD and someone who would look good delivering a speech in parliament. The content of his speech and his thesis are irrelevant.

In Mansur Chak

In Mansur Chak, a small town in Bachwara assembly constituency of Begusarai, we meet a group of 11 people at a chai point. Only two are with the BJP, four are undecided and rest are cheering for Kumar.

Mohd Shahjahan, who came all the way from Kolkata to vote for RJD’s Tanveer Hasan in 2014, is now an enthusiastic supporter of Kumar. “First reason for changing vote this time is the youth factor. Second, he speaks what is on his mind and doesn’t shy away from a fight, calls out what he sees wrong. Sangharsh kar sakta hai hamare liye (He can fight for us),” Shahjahan says.

For Nandu Das, it doesn’t matter if Kumar is the lone CPI member in parliament. “People say what will he be able to do with one vote. But ek se anek banenge (from one it will become many). Wo honhaar hai (He is brilliant)”. Das tells me that he has been voting for CPI for many decades but some of his comrades voted for BJP’s Bhola Singh last time as news of Tanveer Hasan getting ahead spread. They didn’t want a Muslim candidate to win. At two more assemblies of chaiwalas in Mansar Chak, one finds similar enthusiastic support for Kanhaiya Kumar though not so much in the bazaar, the ‘den of capitalist profiteers’.

In Bachwara Town

In Bachwara town, Surendra Singh, a hardcore BJP guy, is gearing up for the party’s candidate and Hindutva firebrand Giriraj Singh’s joint rally with Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. “Pehle Modi ke naam pe vote diya tha, ab kaam bhi dekh liya (Earlier we voted in Modi’s name but now we have seen the work too). Modi wave is stronger than before,” he tells me.

He agrees that Kanhaiya Kumar has gained momentum in the past one week due to campaigning by celebrities who have created an environment in his favour and the gullible are thinking that if bade log (influencial people) from across the country are coming to their Begusarai canvassing for Kumar, he must be doing something right. “Communism was on its last legs in this region. Now, Kumar has invigorated it,” Singh rues.

Chandra Kumar Singh, a former JDU member, agrees with Singh but says that Kumar is only helping the BJP by chipping away at RJD’s vote bank, especially the Muslims. “Earlier, Hasan lost by around 60,000 odd votes. This time, margin of BJP’s victory will be more than a lakh.”

In the busy market, at a vastralay (garment) shop, eight people are engrossed in a debate over the electoral churning happening over this hot seat. All are BJP supporters, most of them Bhumihars, the community from which both Kanhaiya Kumar and Giriraj Singh hail from.

Sudhir Kumar Singh says that the Nitish-Modi duo’s good governance factor will ensure BJP’s victory. “Fertilizer plant that was closed aeons ago is now running again thanks to this government. Roads are widened and new bridges are coming up over the Ganga river.” On asking about sedition charges against Kumar, Hare Ram, a Sangh member who is in late 70s, counters saying that none of them have been proved. “He isn’t anti-nationalist or a terrorist. Hamara vaicharik matbedh hai (We have a difference of opinion). It doesn’t mean we call him names.”

At an ironworks shop, Ramkumar Rai is waiting for his harvester to get repaired. He is a traditional BJP voter. “This time I will vote for Kanhaiya as he talks about education, unemployment and farmers. No other party has solutions to these problems. He is young and talks with confidence. Plus, he is a localite while BJP has fielded an outsider.” On asking about what specific solutions Kanhaiya has proposed to solve problem of poor education, lack of jobs or farm distress, Rai couldn’t come up with an answer. “At least he is raising these issues.”

Three young customers at the shop, who are BJP supporters, aren’t convinced. In the same lane, five youngsters from the Yadav community of the neighbouring Chamtha village are resting in an auto. “Modi has run a very good government and the area has seen improvement in power, roads, bridges, and revival of industries long dead and expansion of refinery,” Santosh Yadav, the driver, tells me. “Jaati se upar uthke vote denge (We will rise above our community and vote this time). Desh ko bachana hai isiliye Modi ko laana hai (We need to safe-guard our country so we have to bring Modi back again),” he adds as his friends nod in agreement.

In Begumsarai Village

From Bachwara, we move to Begumsarai village which voted overwhelmingly for the RJD. A Muslim elder at a sunar (goldsmith) shop in the village informs me that both Kanhaiya Kumar and the BJP have made inroads here and RJD’s votes will decrease. While Kumar is taking away some Muslim votes, BJP has earned goodwill of youngsters like Sanjay Yadav, who is all praise for Modi. “Jo bhi kiya acha kiya hai (Whatever he has done, it is good). Bura to kiya nahi (He hasn’t done anything bad). Giriraj ko vote nahi hai (It is not a vote for Giriraj), Modi ko hai (It is for Modi),” he says.

In Godhana Village

In Godhana village, CPI seems to be sweeping the elections going by four groups of people this reporter talked to. At a chai point on the main road, an intense debate ensues as we ask about voting preference. Two youngsters who are with the BJP list the development work, while those in the CPI camp praise Kanhaiya. Some, like Ram Preet Pawan, had voted for RJD in 2014. Then there are many youngsters who were not here last time to vote as they work in cities far away from home. We talked to four groups of people (numbering over 20 people) playing cards, and, barring a couple, most voice their support for Kumar. They have been loyal supporters of CPI for years now.

But of all the places, Kanhaiya Kumar’s craze in the Muslim locality of Baro is to be seen to be believed. RJD swept this village in 2014. Mohammad Rizban tells me that during Moharram there was a clash with Hindus and the whole village was under curfew for days. No politician visited them except Kumar. “He came here from Delhi to meet us. He wasn’t even a candidate at the time.”

Arshi Islam says Kumar is padha likha (educated) who comes from a poor family. “We should vote for such people. He is needed in Parliament.” Kashif Ali is voting for CPI because he believes Kumar will strengthen the voice of youth in the national discourse. Mohammad Iqbar, a shopkeeper, assures us that over 80 per cent of the villagers are with Kanhaiya. “He is a localite, our neighbour and a great orator.” Halimuddin, a tailor, also emphasises the youth factor. “Ye jo sach hai usko bolne ki himmat rakhta hai (Whatever is the truth, he has the courage to voice it). Haq ki baat karta hai (He talks about our rights),” the tailor says. Mohammad Kamal, talks about the done-to-death trope of the ‘constitution in danger’ and believes Kumar will protect it.

In Bihat, Kanhaiya Kumar’s Hometown

In his hometown Bihat, one even finds some voters who sided with BJP in 2014 but are with Kumar this time. Rahul Kumar and his father who run a shop in the market say the reason for the change of heart is because Kumar is from their own village and he talks about issues that matter such as education and jobs.

In Bihat village, we meet a group of eight youngsters, all Bhumihars, who voted for BJP’s Bhola Singh last time. They are backing Kanhaiya now and not just because he is from their town. Dileep Singh, a farmer, complains that the fertilizer factory, which was recently reopened after years, is not giving jobs to the local youth. “We want 75 per cent quota for locals in the factory,” one of them demands. Upendra Singh even says that by voting for Kumar, he wants to strengthen the opposition! “Modi is doing manmaani (being arbitrary). Rahul ki sunta he nahi hai (He does not listen to Rahul at all). Uski bhi chalni chahiye (His suggestions should also be considered),” he says. One doesn’t get the answer to the question why he isn’t supporting the Congress-RJD gathbandhan if he wants to strengthen Rahul.

Irony of Reopening the Fertilizer Factory

During simpler times, there was no factory and no jobs. Now, the BJP has complicated the situation by reopening the fertilizer factory. These locals now have a bone to pick with the central government over quota. Maybe the BJP should learn from those parties which have kept Bihar poor for decades: if you don’t open factories, no one will agitate to reserve jobs in them. Be that as it may, on asking these locals how Kanhaiya would help get them reservation even if he wins as an MP as he doesn’t have that power and only the centre can make rules, Prakash Kumar says that at least he will go with us and sit on dharna and help close the factory if demands are not met. Sure can do. No one can doubt that.

A chemist shop owner, someone who has no love lost for Kanhaiya, doesn’t want to be named. He explains how communists got the fertilizer plant to close down costing thousands of jobs. “There was a dispute over bonus to employees. The local CPI leader dictated to the manager in Hindi that bonus should not be less than 10 per cent. The manager, who was from South India, didn’t understand what he was saying and replied in English that they can given maximum 10 per cent bonus. Both couldn’t understand each other but if the CPI leader had patience, they could’ve easily settled at 10 per cent bonus.” But no. Revolution won the day, Some are craving for the return of dolt krantikaris (revolutionaries).

Dharma-virodhi Charges

Desh virodhi tag may not be sticking to Kanhaiya but dharma-virodhi charges are more potent, at least among the Brahmin voters of Bihat where they are present in significant numbers. Two youngsters, Ankit Jha and Alok Sinha, tell me that his ‘brahmanvaad se azaadi (Freedom from Brahmanism)’ rants haven’t gone down well with the community and he shouldn’t expect any votes from them.

One of Kanhaiya’s childhood friends who didn’t wish to be identified told Swarajya that though he and his locality would benefit immensely if Kumar wins, and if Giriraj wins, they would be the losers, personally speaking, but still, his conscience doesn’t allow him to vote for Kumar. “He is against Dharma. This person didn’t go through the ritual of tonsuring when his father died. What else can one expect from him?” he asked me.

In the market, we meet a group of nine people at a chai point. Except three, who were with RJD, the rest voted for CPI in 2014. Now, all are supporting Kumar because he is their neighbour. “RJD is weak this time. Only Kanhaiya can defeat the BJP. Youth have big expectations from him,” Lallan Singh says. Chandan Kumar, a traditional CPI voter explains why the party still has strong roots in the region. “Whatever caste or party you may belong to, when you are in trouble, you go to CPI officer and they stand by you,” he says.

At another shop, Praveen Kumar, an RJD sympathiser, tells me not to be swayed by what CPI voters are saying. “Communists are highly vocal. Their cadre will make you believe that they are sweeping the polls but when votes are counted, they are not more than the people’s count in their nomination rally,” he says with confidence, adding that Kanhaiya would come third. “The reason CPI got almost 2 lakh votes in 2014 was due to Nitish who was in alliance with them. His Kurmi base completely transferred their votes. Kanhaiya won’t get that,” he adds.

The Kurmis of Barauni

Kurmis are in substantial numbers in Barauni town. At a pan shop, Santosh Kumar agrees that the community voted for CPI in 2014 due to Nitish Kumar but they are now back with the BJP and are much relieved as they also want Modi to become the prime minister again. “With Kurmis, you can trust to have complete vote transfer to anyone who is in alliance with JDU. This time, each vote will go to Giriraj,” Vinay Sinha assures.

At a chai shop, a group of eight people, all Kurmis, are sipping tea. “Modi plus Nitish factor is an unbeatable combo. We are relieved that Nitish is back in the NDA,” says Suresh Shah. “We voted for CPI out of compulsion last time, now everyone is excited about voting for Modi,” Neeraj Patel tells me.

There are exceptions, like Abhay Sinha too, who has always voted for RJD. “Nitish became CM because of Lalu. If small castes such as ours have some respect and standing in society today, it’s because of Lalu,” Sinha, 58, tells me as he walks me through the discrimination he faced during his college days and how the social revolution brought by Lalu changed their fortunes.

Malhipur, Simariya and Madhavpura

As one moves out from Bihat, one notices that Kanhaiya Kumar’s appeal among both Muslims and his Bhumihar brethren also starts dwindling.

In Malhipur, Simariya and Madhavpura – all big villages on the banks of the Ganga and populated by Bhumihars – those who pledge fealty to Kumar are only the traditional CPI voters who have been voting for the party for decades.

“Main issue for us is development. We are getting four lane roads, new bridges over Ganga, power plant, fertilizer plant has been reopened, refinery has been expanded. More work will get done if BJP comes back to power again,” Vivek Mishra, a youth in Malhipur tells me. “Security situation today is so much better. It was a gundaraaj when CPI reigned supreme,” his friend Anand Kumar pitches in. Going back to old days of red terror is not an option for these youngsters.

Another youth, Ashutosh Kumar wants to ask Kanhaiya Kumar a simple question: “We are not saying you yourself raised anti-national slogans but you were a leader there. If you didn’t know what was happening in that small campus under your nose, then how would you handle such a big constituency as Begusarai?!”

In Bishanpur and Madhurapur Villages

In neighbouring Bishanpur village, where Giriraj Singh did a huge road show the day before we visited, one is hard pressed to find a CPI supporter.

In Madhurapur, one of the biggest villages in Teghra assembly constituency with over 20,000 votes, mostly Bhumihar, even BJP’s opponents accept Modi wave is blowing strong. “BJP will get at least 16,000 votes from here,” says a CPI worker who also wants Modi as prime minister. He refuses to disclose his name.

Narayan Singh, another CPI leader who is sticking with the party, is nostalgic about old days when the village used to be communist stronghold.

“It was Surajbhan Singh of LJP, a Bhumihar, who broke the back of CPI here. Singh did a mega road show through the village in support of Giriraj Singh,” Rajkumar Singh informs me. He doesn’t mention that Surajbhan Singh was convicted of murdering a resident of their village and is currently debarred from contesting elections.

“This is an election to choose the central government. Kanhaiya mein koi kami nahi hai (Kanhaiya has no shortcomings). But vote will go to Modi only,” Singh says. He is sitting under the shade of a peepal tree with nine of his friends. “Modi ne desh ko aage badhaya hai (Modi has taken the country forward). He built roads in every village, replied to Pakistan in their language otherwise no one dared to stand up to it,” Narendra Singh, an elder in his 60s, tell me. “Giriraj is a firebrand Hindutva leader. It will be a blot on Begusarai if we defeat him, which we can’t let it happen,” Rajkumar Singh says.

In Vinodpur Village

In Vinodpur village which falls in Matihani assembly constituency, north of Begusarai city, a group of 10 villagers is sitting under a tree. “Jo Pakistan sar chadhkar bolta tha, usko Modi ne karara jawab diya (Modi gave a befitting and strong response to that Pakistan which used to call the shots previously). Only Modi could do it. Our vote is for the nation,” Rajesh Kumar tells me as he introduces me to Dinesh Kumar who has come all the way from Delhi to cast his vote. “Out of 4,500 votes in the village, 4,200 would go to BJP,” the group tells me.

Bajwada, Laraura, Ballia Villages

In Bajwada, while the Bhumihars are with the BJP, the Muslims have divided their loyalty between Kanhaiya Kumar and Tanveer Hasan. Next is the Muslim majority town of Laraura where RJD swept last time by a huge margin. Here too, the community is split in half. Mohammad Ansari, a shopkeeper tells me that unlike last time, there is no clear winner from here and Kanhaiya is at least getting 50 per cent of the votes. Abdul Ahad says that they will elect Kanhaiya who will talk of both Hindus and Muslims.

In Ballia, another Muslim majority town, east of Begusarai city, where the RJD won in 2014, Kanhaiya’s appeal is not as strong as in the Bachwara - Bihat belt. Sahebpur Kamal’s Yadavs are firmly with RJD. In Ballia, Tanveer Hasan still holds sway over his community’s vote bank. Mohammed Shahid, a businessman, told Swarajya that though he is leaning towards Hasan, final call will be made one day before the election after the meeting of community elders. He admitted that Kanhaiya Kumar is gaining traction among the Muslim youth.

Abdul Qayub, 50, openly says that “Muslims will decide a day before the election and would vote for whoever we perceive is in best position to defeat the BJP. Ektarfa vote padega (the votes will all be one-sided) be it in favour of Hasan or Kumar.” Four youth standing around Qayub endorse his stand.

In Conclusion

Kanhaiya Kumar is not just an internet celebrity anymore. He has gained good traction on the ground as well. Thanks to bombardment of outside celebrities canvassing for him, he has been able to create a buzz that famous people from all over the country are coming to ask common people of Begusarai to have faith in Kumar. This has helped built the hawa in his favour.

More importantly, he is hurting Lalu Prasad Yadav’s RJD the most by breaking its Muslim-Yadav alliance and the former are gravitating towards him in large numbers. This is directly helping the BJP which would’ve found it extremely difficult to win had RJD backed Kanhaiya Kumar as a Mahagathbandhan candidate. But Lalu Prasad Yadav is too smart to allow a free run to Kumar, who can prove to be a direct threat to his children’s political future, if he grows big.

It wouldn’t be wrong to say that Kanhaiya Kumar and Tanveer Hasan are fighting for the second spot. Muslim votes will decide the winner of this contest.

To his credit, Kanhaiya Kumar has certainly revived the moribund CPI in the region. While BJP supporters may take solace from the fact that he is benefiting the party in the short run, they should definitely be worried about the return of communism in Begusarai.

This report is part of Swarajya's 50 Ground Stories Project - an attempt to throw light on issues and constituencies the old media largely refuses to engage. You can support this initiative by sponsoring as little as Rs 2,999. Click here for more details.