The Pahadiya Tribals In Jharkhand: What Drives The Electoral Choices Of This Community That Largely Keeps To Itself

Down the mountains of Sunderphari in the Godda district of Jharkhand, my quest to meet Pahadiya people led me to a 22-year-old man named Sunil Pahadiya.

He is an energetic young man who owns a motorbike and lives a lifestyle completely different from the previous generation. Sunil wears jeans, a t-shirt, rides a motorbike, and is an avid consumer of Hindi and Bengali films, languages that do not come naturally to him and his tribe.

As the surname suggests, Sunil belongs to the Pahadiya community—a largely autonomous tribal community in Jharkhand.

Their main language is Malto. The Pahadiyas are largely believed to be the original inhabitants of the modern-day Santhal Pargana region of Jharkhand, especially the Rajmahal Hills, and adjoining districts of West Bengal. They also have a presence in Odisha, though their numbers are low.

Of these three states, only Jharkhand has historically been recognised as their home. Even ancient travellers like the Greek historian Megasthenes and Hiuen Tsang described their presence.

In modern-day Jharkhand, two groups of Pahadiyas—Mal Pahadiya and Sauria Pahadiya—exist. Both are categorised as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) in the state.

The Sauria Pahadiyas honour their ancestral spirits, Jiwe Urkkya, particularly before sowing the fields.

They also worship nature spirits, or Gosain, who protect various aspects of village life and are venerated at sites like the Manjhi Than.

The Mal Pahadiyas celebrate festivals such as Durga Puja and Diwali. They also practice certain unique rituals, such as the Marupa Pujo. After cremation, a thread from the deceased’s body is kept and worshipped at home to honour the departed soul.

Both communities also worship the solar deity, Dharmer Gosain.

Culturally, Pahadiyas are considered isolationist. Throughout history, they have fought to defend their autonomy. Even the brutality of Islamist invasions could not take away their independence, as Pahadiyas skilfully used their forest navigation skills to drive invaders away.

However, things changed when the British arrived. Initially, they bought peace from the tribe by offering tributes but soon embarked on a mission to end their dominance, as Pahadiyas were simply not willing to work on farmlands as peasants.

In response to British attempts to hunt and kill them, the community decided to plunder agricultural lands occupied by the British and their loyal landlords. Raja Jaggannath, Ramna Ahadi, Changrun Sanwariya, Pachge Domba Pahadiya, and Kariya Pulhar are some of the famous Pahadiya leaders who led multiple revolts in the latter half of the 18th century.

The British “Great Replacement” project did pay off eventually though. To replace Pahadiyas, they brought Santhals from the Chotanagpur region to work on their farms. The British-Pahadiya conflict then turned into an inter-tribal conflict between Santhals and Pahadiyas.

More than 200 years later, this conflict still defines Pahadiyas’ political identity to a large extent. Unable to defeat Santhals, Pahadiyas retreated to the upper tracts of the mountains and refused to interact with the outside world.

Even today, a large section of the population is reluctant to descend from the hills, often a journey of more than half a dozen kilometres on foot.

“It is extremely troubling. I come because I have a motorbike, but my parents won’t because they do not want to work on others’ farmlands for money,” said Sunil Pahadiya.

In other villages, even a motorcycle is not an option to climb uphill. “We have bikes, but can’t take it up there. So when we come down, we have to park at some other’s house and then take uphill journey by road” said Johann Pahadiya.

The Pahadiyas have largely preserved their land, farms, and mountains. However, their culture has remained secluded from modern agricultural methodologies, causing limitations in crop diversification and fostering nutritional deficiencies.

Historically, it has inhibited their political participation too. “We do not have much to do with politics. We used to eat, drink and stay happy. It is only after Jharkhand was formed did I get to know which leader belongs to which party” said a man in his late 40s.

Among current leaders, he and his young friends (sitting nearby) have heard only three names - Jharkhand chief minister Hemant Soren, Godda Parliamentarian Nishikant Dubey and Prime Minister Minister Modi.

“When Modi had come, he did phenomenal work. But in the last few years, we hear more of Hemant Soren than anyone else.” said one of his friends.

Pahadiyas residing in the Godda district mainly rely on forest produce and agriculture for their nutritional needs. Maize is one of the primary (and mainstream) crops they produce. It is used in multiple ways.

Primarily, they use maize as an ingredient with rice. Cooked rice is mixed with water, then maize and salt are added to create a satisfying meal. Pahadiyas can consume this meal throughout the day.

Pearl millet—a gluten-free grain, finger millet, barbatti (long bean), sorghum, kakdo (rice bean), and a few pulses are some of the major crops they produce.

An average day for a Pahadiya revolves around these crops. The whole family wakes up around 3 am. While the women rush to the kitchen, the men prepare for their day on the farm.

After a meal, the couple heads to the farm to care for the crops. While one works, the other keeps a vigilant eye for wild animals, especially monkeys. It is common for people in Sundar Pahari to kill them and discard their bodies, as failing to do so often leads to long-term diseases and eventual death.

“What should we do? We’re finally getting good food on our plate; we won’t let them spoil it,” said Balkishore Pahadiya.

The “good food” he refers to is the availability of pulses and vegetables like potatoes and ladyfinger. Locals working with non-government organisations (NGOs) in the area said that over the last two decades, Pahadiyas have been learning modern agricultural practices like crop diversification.

“They have learned a lot in the last few years. Twenty years ago, we used to give them our cattle, and they would feed them for Rs 20 a month. Now they won’t do it for such meagre money,” said Raja Yadav.

Yadavs and other locals say that before interacting with them, the Pahadiya economy relied on a barter system. People in the community exchanged crops and were content in their own lives.

The Baniya community was the first mainstream group to engage in such trade with the Pahadiyas. “They used to come to our forests and exchange 1 kg of rice for 2 kg of maize. Slowly, they built trust and established homes closer to us,” said a resident.

On the way to Pahadiya villages, you’ll find the houses of mainly two groups—Baniyas and Santhals. While the Baniya community is protective of its culture, most Santhal homes display the cross.

Gabriel Hansda, whose birth name was Gullu Hansda, said that the Santhals were the first to convert here, and then others, including some Pahadiays, followed.

As in many places, NGOs were actually evangelist groups in Godda as well. While these NGOs worked to reduce instances of child marriage and premature death in the Pahadiya community, the ulterior and eventual motive remained the conversion of locals.

In exchange for life-altering assistance, they asked Pahadiays to wear crosses, which most were willing to do. But unlike the Santhals, Pahadiays insisted on not changing their names or cultural practices, which was initially accepted but later the Church made efforts to enforce its own culture

For instance, in Japaniya village, a newly converted Christian proudly showed that his neighbour still displayed art from their original tradition, though he did not follow it. Soon, his sister-in-law intervened aggressively, and he took a step back in the conversation.

The neighbour, who was coming from the Church, was more welcoming. On inquiring about the weird behaviour of the sister-in-law, he said, “she is the leader of the house and gets money from bow and arrow (JMM’s symbol) people. She won’t allow anyone to speak."

Among both communities, the Sauria Pahadiays are more likely to convert to Christianity, arguably due to higher levels of poverty.

However, the conversion machine has taken a hit in recent years. Previously, conversion agents supported new converts even after the process was complete, assisting with water access, funds, school admissions, and medical treatment.

The man in Japaniya village had to sell his animals for Rs two lakh to cover medical expenses. The conversion agent did not provide that. Similarly, in Nathagoda village, the local secretary complained that church representatives only come once a week, do their work, and leave.

This may be due to the Modi government’s restrictions on foreign funding, which has affected ground realities.

While such efforts only showed results recently, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have been working in the region since earlier.

Vicky Pahadiya (possibly changed name), who works as a ground worker for Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), said that BJP representatives have reached out to the Pahadiya community in recent years, playing a crucial role in ensuring last-mile delivery of government schemes.

In terms of representation, the party has also taken steps. The Raghubar Das government established a special police battalion called the Pahadiya Battalion to bring the community into the mainstream. In 2019, the party fielded Simon Malto, a Pahadiya, against Hemant Soren, the current Chief Minister of Jharkhand.

Locally, the election was projected as a rivalry between Santhals (Soren) and Pahadiyas (Malto). “We had also participated in campaigning. We did not think whether it was day or night, but Malto could not win.” said Surja Pahadia.

In 2024 though, he has not decided which party to vote for as cadre of no party has not approached his people. 

“If no one comes, we will also not go to vote. But I think JMM people will come and they will ask for Soren. Whoever we will vote for, we will vote in unison” said Jalia Pahadia, Suraj’s friend.

Expecting JMM’s presence rather than BJP’s shows that the results of the BJP's efforts have been mixed, perhaps due to recent inactivity.

Among modern civilisational needs, only electricity has been adequately provided. Water tanks and housing projects are left incomplete.

In Nathagoda village, the government school is also in terrible condition. Out of 200 students, only 25 attend regularly, mostly Santhals, who are said to profit from unfair practices.

“Most of the teachers are from the Santhal community. They have progressed and are now hindering our progress. They don’t want us to succeed, otherwise, we wouldn’t rely on them for money,” said Basigram Pahadiya.

Pahadiyas come down to the markets weekly to make purchases, often borrowing from the better-funded Santhals, who receive more support from both the government and the church. “That is why they do not teach us. We will take their jobs” said Gandhe Pahadiya.

When I explained the Supreme Court’s decision on sub-categorisation, Pahadiays seemed relieved.

Just by looking at average Pahadiya, it is not tough to decipher that they need more state support. Modern Pahadiyas are visibly malnourished. They generally have slender bodies, short stature (5-5.3 feet), and extremely dry and malnourished faces.

“They cook food in the morning for the whole day and then eat it over a 24-hour cycle without reheating. They already lack nutrients, and then they consume stale food. No wonder the children die young,” said Niraj, who works for an NGO.

These families often lack Ayushmaan cards, and the nearest health centres remain closed. “People expected party workers to help them get these documents—at least for votes, but we’re the ones doing a better job here,” said Santosh, a person working for financial inclusion.

This neglect is undoing the BJP’s gains in recent years. “The void left by the Soren government, bureaucratic inefficiency, and the relative reduction in NGO activity could have been used for cultural reinforcement, including re-conversion, but BJP workers have adopted a laid-back attitude,” said Suyash, a political consultant specialising in Jharkhand affairs.

"You roam around in that region and won't find a BJP person easily. That is where the party is lacking" said another consultant located in the areas.

Before the BJP, Congress enjoyed good support among Pahadiya voters. But for 2024, the JMM is making inroads. They take a top-down approach—winning over the Mukhiya or Panchayat Secretary, who then influences villagers.

All is not yet lost for the BJP though. The party retains goodwill here, especially among educated local youth who are aware of the world beyond their own hills.

Nishikant Dubey’s popularity

“Look at this man Sir. He is so upright and honest that does not even care to campaign during elections. His name is getting synonymous with Kamal (BJP symbol) and development too. If BJP fields him or anyone else like him, I myself will leave Soren and vote for BJP” said Jaleshwar Pahadia, who is both Panchayat Secretary and a JMM supporter.

He noted that Pahadiya youth admire Dubey greatly. “They go outside, see the world, and they are in awe of him.” said Jaleshwar.

“Even though I’m the Panchayat Secretary, not everyone will vote for JMM. Around 40 per cent will, but the rest will support the BJP. It is not like before. People are also getting self-enlightened,” added Jaleshwar.

Meanwhile, even on the state-level and national-level discussions, it is Muslim migration which is making headlines and not Christian conversion or the day-to-day issues of Pahadiyas.

"It is true that this time we are not the part of conversation. Both Soren and Modi have left us and are focusing on Santhals who are already well-off" said Kaiyan Pahadiya with a disappointed face.

As I finish writing this, Simon Malto has resigned from BJP - an indicator of tanking support for the party among Pahadiyas.

With the JMM making inroads into the community, the task for the BJP, for the election and beyond, seems challenging.