Culture

Theo-Piracy Of A Sacred Tribal Ritual?

Aravindan Neelakandan

Feb 24, 2023, 08:15 PM | Updated 08:15 PM IST


A Saura woman in Odisha (Wikimedia Commons)
A Saura woman in Odisha (Wikimedia Commons)
  • An article in 'Scientific American' creates a false-equivalence between Christian conversions and Hinduism.
  • Is isolating a sacred tribal ritual from its Hindu matrix the first major step in Theo-Piracy?
  • January 2023. ‘Scientific American’ published an article by anthropologist Dr Piers Vitebsky. It was exotically titled ‘Dialogues with the Dead’.

    It was about the ‘Shamanic’ ritual associated with mourning in Sora tribals of Odisha. The subtitle of the article informs the reader that this ‘indigenous spiritual tradition speaks to the fragility of theological diversity.’

    The article contains many interesting insights, particularly for an Indian reader. But it is more in the way of how a typical Western academic mind understands an Indic tribal ritual and tries to theorise (and appropriate) it.

    Coming from a Christian and Western secular culture, as the author himself acknowledges, he tries to study ‘the Sora Indigenous (or Adivasi) people in the highlands of Odisha, eastern India.’ This is what he discovers:

    My long, immersive visits over succeeding decades gradually revealed a worldview of extraordinary complexity, manifested in one of the most elaborate processes of grieving ever documented. The Sora religion I witnessed constituted not only a spiritual tradition but also a sophisticated system of psychotherapy and social regulation that consoled the bereaved, softened generational tensions, and subordinated ideological conflict to debate and compromise.

    He tries to explain the ‘Shamanic’ rituals through a Freudian framework and then describes the limitations:

    This ancient recognition of the ambivalent feelings in any close relationship finds a striking echo in Sigmund’s Freud’s theory of bereavement, where a mourner may suffer from the same emotional condition as the deceased. But there is a crucial difference. Freud’s psychological theory is individualistic: the memory of the dead person exists only in the mourner’s mind. In contrast, the Sora conceived their dead as existing autonomously and reaching out to the living in a drama where relationships and feelings were not shut away in people’s psyches but were performed in public for all to hear, see and debate. Death was not a lonely event; it was a shared condition.

    So far, so good.

    But the real problem comes when he symmetrically characterises Hinduism and Christianity as competing global religions which pose a threat to such indigenous spiritual traditions.

    This is not only contrary to empirical reality but also a typical continuation of a colonial worldview. If one goes through the entire article carefully, one can clearly see how even this seeming symmetrical treatment of Christianity and Hinduism actually reveals a subtle but strong pro-Christian bias.

    Largely Outside the Hindu World?

    At the outset he states that the ‘Sora’ tribes numbering ‘some 400,000’ speaking ‘a language of the Austroasiatic family— unlike India’s mainstream Indo-European and Dravidian languages— ... lay largely outside the Hindu world.’

    This is actually an anthropological impossibility.

    The very name of the tribe, 'Sora', is one of the variants of the names of this tribe - Saura, Savara and Sabara.

    There have always been interactions and internalisations of the elements of various spiritual traditions around each ethnic community in India, at least right from the Harappan-Vedic times.

    Asko Parpola, a scholar of Harappan and Vedic studies, considers Varuna as being depicted in the famous Pasupati seal and his original identity as being Sambara.

    According to him, a later variant of this name was Samvara, which in turn was derived from the term meaning ‘to enclose’. He related this even to Goddess Durga.

    He speculates an etymological relation to Sambara and the term Saraba meaning ‘fierce tribal.’ In other words the tribal community was not an untouched exotic Amazonian tribal equivalent. It has always been interacting with larger Indian community which itself is made of a mosaic of similar such communities. This is further evidenced by the presence of what Sanskritist Michael Witzel calls the Munda Substratum in the earliest part of Rig Veda.

    Even otherwise in a culture like that of India, where no monopolistic religious theology was present, and where theo-diversity (a better term coined by Prof. Lokesh Chandra than the one used by Prof. Vitebsky) is a core-civilisational element, a tribal community while retaining its original identity can continuously interact with the surroundings, fertilising and evolving.

    Continuing Relations

    Even in later period the transactional and intertwined relations between forest-dwelling Saraba and non-Saraba people have been attested by Odisha literature, at least six hundred years old.

    One of the most famous pilgrimage centres of Sri Vaishnav tradition is Puri Jagannatha temple. Fifteenth century Oriya poet Sarala Dasa in his rendering Mahabharata departs from the original and tells a Puranic origin story for the pilgrimage centre in which Saraba and Brahmin elements are harmonized together.

    Indradyumna built a big temple at Puri [Nilagiri] and searched for the deity to install. The king was advised in a dream to meet the sabara Bishwabasu. The latter received the celestial message that Shri Krishna’s pinda would appear as a wooden log in a well, the Rohini Kunda at Puri. The brahmin Vasu and the sabara Bishwabasu retrieved the log. The Lord commanded Bishwabasu to construct the deities.

    Prof. Edwin Bryant considers this ‘a complex synthesis of pre-Aryan Indian culture and Aryan theology has still not been fully explored.

    In reality what is true for Puri is true for almost all shrines. To understand this process which conserves the local tradition well within a larger cultural and spiritual context, with both interacting and enriching each other, is the quintessential process that generates and regenerates what is called Hinduism.

    As Hinduism is not a single-book, single-prophet or single son-of-God centric monopolistic religion but rather a natural religion with theo-diversity at its heart, the very model for interaction of the tribal with non-tribal in Hindu context should be different.

    Christian Missionary and Hindu Nationalism

    But Prof. Vitebsky continues with drawing parallels between Christianity and Hinduism.

    Looking deeper into the article, one finds that he has a positive image of Christianity nonetheless. He considers conversion to Christianity as a process stopping the exploitation of the tribals.

    The missionaries write the tribal language in Roman script, thus cutting the tribals effectively from the organic relations they have with the Oriya language. The Oriya non-tribals become the exploiters here.

    But when the woman Shaman has the non-tribal Oriyan as their spirit husbands in their altered states, that is projected by Vitebsky as fantasy – as a means of controlling the exploiters in a fantasy underworld and not as indicative of a deeper bonding between the tribal and non-tribal people.

    From here on his narrative very closely resembles the narrative set by ethno-botanist Mark Plotkin, in his Tales of a Shaman’s Apprentice which is set in the jungles of the Amazonian forest. This is what Plotkin writes after he had compiled a treatise of the medicinal plants of the Amazonian tribe in their own language:

    Prior to this work, the Tiriés had only one book written in their language: the holy Bible. This research constitutes a true partnership between Western and Indian cultures; both share in any potential material benefits, but more important, this approach to ethnobotany helps the indigenous peoples understand the potential global importance of a fundamental aspect of their culture.

    Now consider what Vitebsky writes about his compilation of the ritual hymns:

    Over 30 years later, in a mood of partial regret, Monosi collaborated with me in 2011 to compile shamanic texts and archival photos, to document the culture he had done so much to change. Now avidly read by young Sora, this book about their own ancestral history is the main book available in Sora apart from the Bible.

    In other words, what Plotkin does for plants in the setting of Amazonian Jungle, Vitebsky tries to do with Indian tribal spiritual ritual.

    But Soras/Sabaras are not an isolated Amazonian tribe. They are well immersed strand in the matrix of a living culture.

    While talking about missionaries, Plotkin had at least documented the unethical ways of the missionaries but he did not care much about the loss of religion of the tribes.

    Vitebsky goes a step further.

    The geographies of Christianity and Hinduism are not oriented to features of the local environment but to biblical Israel, where no Sora has ever been, or the sacred sites of Hindu nationalism.

    One fails to understand what Vitebsky means when he says that the geography of Hinduism is not oriented to features of local environment or what he means by ‘the sacred sites of Hindu nationalism.’

    In fact, for Hinduism, the entire planet with all its diversity is sacred. To Hindus tribals or non-tribals, every sacredness is their sacredness. A tribal does not consider as non-sacred or Satanic the sacred site of another tribal. And hence, is a Hindu. A Hindu will not say to an Australian aborigine that she should abandon the Uluru rock and consider Kailash the holiest of the holy. Rather a Hindu would bow before the sacred rock with the same veneration she has for Kailash.

    Will my Children Talk to Me?

    Vitebsky himself unwittingly gives a space to show his false symmetry. He writes about a tribal friend Inama who laments to the anthropologist: You’ve seen how I talk to my dead parents, but after I die, will my children talk to me?

    This is because son of Inama had converted to Christianity. Vitebsky states that the converts are strictly forbidden from talking to the dead through Shamans. Inama was given a minimalist Baptist funeral. But his converted son was having trouble without the ceremonial mourning. Then he had a dream of his father. Vitebsky writes:

    Through this dream, Paranto received a reassurance about his father’s well-being that the old religion had offered but Christianity cannot give. He was forbidden to speak with his dead father through a shaman, but the dream subverted this prohibition byre-creating an entire dialogue between them.

    This is perhaps the most important distinction that Vitebsky has missed. The natural pan-Hindu association of any tribal community does not necessarily force the so-called Brahminical rituals on them. Rather it gives the tribal community the needed space to conduct their rituals while protecting them from the more institutionally and financially strong aggressive proselytising forces.

    In fact, in the state of Tripura, when Baptist-supported NLFT started gunning down Jamatiya tribals for conducting their funeral ceremonies, the Hindu identity helped them to survive and protect their rituals.

    Spiritual Gene Bank: Theo-Piracy versus Vedic Model?

    Prof. Vitebsky has a future vision:

    Such Indigenous wisdoms around the world constitute a spiritual gene bank to fall back on as we become increasingly limited to the hegemonic belief systems of the present time.

    A gene bank of spiritual wisdom may definitely look like an improvement over the museum-syndrome of the conventional Western mindset. But here one should remember that the spiritual traditions are taken out of their surroundings.

    Culturally they have been removed from their larger setting.

    Either the professor fails to understand or pretends not to understand the fact that Hindu society and culture through the ages and despite the challenges of invasions, colonisation, and post-colonial alienation, has kept the diversity alive – neither frozen nor as living museum pieces.

    Hinduism is actually a family of religious traditions, where tribal traditions have always formed the basis and significant number of core vitals of the system. What is called Animism is part of them.

    Scholar Sandhya Jain who has done in-depth research into the tribal dimensions of Hinduism points out the inappropriateness of the use of the terms like ‘animism’ and ‘aboriginal’:

    The term ‘aboriginal’ simply means ‘indigenous or pertaining to the original population of a given region’ but was first used as derogative against the native people of Australia by the British colonialists. ... Animism is said to denote a belief that natural phenomena are endowed with life or spirit and that plants, geological features and climatic phenomena have supernatural or spiritual characteristics. But this belief is by no means confined to adivasi belief systems and permeates the entire native Indian ethos. The highly evolved Jaina philosophy attributes soul or atma to all animate and inanimate objects in the universe.

    Then very appropriately she cites Mahatma Gandhi’s criticism of the colonial categories of the so-called tribal and non-tribal:

    We were strangers to this sort of classification – animists, aborigines etc. But we have learnt it from the English rulers.

    And also the answer Gandhi gave to a missionary regarding his objection to the classification of tribal religions as distinct from Hindu family of religions:

    ... because I know that in spite of being described as animists these tribes have from time immemorial been absorbed in Hinduism. They are like the indigenous medicine of the soil and their roots lie deep here.

    Despite such a criticism of colonial categories by key civilisational savants of India, these categories have been allowed to remain and flourish in academia. In 2023 Scientific American publishes an article that does two important things:

    • identifies the utility and importance of a spiritual tradition of a tribal community for the West; and

    • isolates the community from its organic Hindu surrounding and prepares this isolated tradition for ‘spiritual gene bank’ perhaps in some Western University or Western funded Institution either inside or outside India with the dominant control of that institution naturally in the hands of academics like Prof. Vitebsky.

    Against this, Hindu Dharma creates for every spiritual tradition boundaries that are porous, like cell membranes through which cultural and spiritual osmosis takes place continuously.

    Tribal traditions are celebrated in Vedic religion for their Bhakti as in Kannappa Nayanar narrative and tribal traditions are celebrated too for the wisdom they contain as in the narrative of Kritarjuneeyam.

    If Prof. Vitebsky really desires that the tribal spiritual traditions in India and around the world should be preserved then he should first try to decolonise himself.

    References:

    • Piers Vitebsky, Dialogues with the Dead, Scientific American, January, 2023, pp.39-47

    • Edwin Bryant, The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture, Oxford University Press, 2001, p.101

    • Edwin Bryant (Ed.), Krishna a Source Book, Oxford University Press, 2007, p.142

    • Asko Parpola, The Metamorphoses of Mahisa Asura and Prajapati in 'Ritual, State, and History in South Asia: Essays in Honour of J.C. Heesterman' (Ed. A.W.Van Den Hoek, D.H.A.Kolff & M.S.Oort), BRILL, 1992, p.298

    • Mark J. Plotkin, Tales of a Shaman's Apprentice, Penguin Books, 1993, p.287

    • Sandhya Jain, Adi Deo Arya Devata: A Panoramic View of Tribal Hindu Cultural Interface, Rupa & Co. , 2004, p.18

    Aravindan is a contributing editor at Swarajya.


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