Journey Through Jharkhand, Dispatch 2: Clear Split In Voting Preferences Between Tribals And OBCs In Southwest Jharkhand

Karaundi, Gumla District

In the heart of Karaundi village, located within the Gumla assembly constituency and Lohardaga parliamentary constituency, I encountered the Sahu brothers — Pappu and Santosh — engaged in an animated discussion about rising prices.

Santosh, who operates a grocery store with the assistance of his outspoken wife, and Pappu, a brick kiln owner, welcomed me into their conversation, which soon drew in a few friends, creating a lively atmosphere.

We began with fundamental concerns. Issues surrounding roads, water supply, and electricity emerged as pressing matters, while hospitals and schools appeared to be functioning adequately.

The conversation quickly shifted to politics. According to the brothers, the recent Lok Sabha election resulted in a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) loss, primarily attributed to the choice of candidate.

Lohardaga, designated as a Scheduled Tribe (ST) reserved constituency, witnessed Jharkhand Mukti Morcha’s (JMM) Sukhdeo Bhagat triumph over BJP's Sameer Oraon. Notably, three-time Member of Parliament (MP) and former Union minister Sudarshan Bhagat was denied a ticket, which added to the political intrigue. Bhushan Tirkey of JMM currently serves as the sitting Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA), though there is considerable anti-incumbency sentiment directed towards him.

The Oraons represent the predominant tribal community, while the Sahus and Ahirs comprise the main Other Backward Classes (OBC) groups. Although these communities maintain amicable relations, they do not intermarry and reside in separate colonies. The OBCs express grievances that tribal members disproportionately benefit from reservations and other government schemes, highlighting a growing sense of counter-polarisation.

The Sahu brothers believe that the arrest of Chief Minister Hemant Soren will not significantly influence the electoral landscape, citing that the issue was previously addressed in the last election. However, they note that the JMM continues to rely on the same propaganda. Recently, the Maiya Samman Yojana — a scheme transferring Rs 1,000 to women — has been initiated by Soren's administration.

The brothers indicated their intent to vote for the BJP, praising the clean governance of the previous administration. Santosh remarked on the robust construction activity in Gumla town, noting that the demand for bricks has become a formidable challenge.

In this region, Christian conversion rates among the tribal community are notably high. As I navigated through Gumla town, billboards promoting "healing meetings" were prominent. It became apparent that missionaries tend to avoid OBC communities.

A clear divide exists between OBCs and tribals in this area, with OBCs feeling left out amid the media's focus on tribal votes. They express a willingness to support the BJP candidate, provided the party avoids the missteps witnessed in previous months. 

Roads in western Jharkhand are well maintained, and the All Jharkhand Students Union, or AJSU, party appears to be making significant strides, evident from the visibility of their green flags adorned with banana symbols.

Torpa, Khunti District

Torpa is a bustling town in Khunti district. I ventured into a village beyond the town, which falls under the Khunti Lok Sabha constituency and Torpa assembly constituency. Khunti is a historical epicentre of tribal struggles, renowned as the homeland of the revered Birsa Munda, and continues to be regarded as a hub of tribal politics. The main tribal groups in this area are the Oraons and Mundas.

In a notable electoral shift, Congress’ Kali Charan Munda defeated the BJP heavyweight Arjun Munda in this ST reserved constituency by a margin of 150,000 votes. Arjun Munda, a former chief minister and, till recently, the Union minister for agriculture and tribal affairs, was a formidable contender.

Currently, Koche Munda of the BJP serves as the local MLA. I spoke with Om Topno and Nilkanth Topno, two tribal men who shared their perspectives. They lamented the erratic electricity supply, which averages around 12 hours daily, and highlighted the absence of reliable drinking water. The PM Awas Yojana has seen limited beneficiaries in their village. The Topnos maintain a small orchard, cultivating mangoes and litchis for sale in Torpa.

The local hospital leaves much to be desired, with inadequate consultation services and a lack of essential medicines at the Jan Aushadi Kendra, compelling residents to purchase medications from private sources. While a government school exists, many parents prefer the education provided by missionary-run institutions, believing that "English education" will better serve their children's futures. The influence of the church in the area is substantial.

Politically, the Topnos expressed their dissatisfaction with Arjun Munda, feeling he lacked genuine concern for tribal interests. They voiced support for Hemant Soren, suggesting that coalition pressures and central government interference hinder his efforts. They appreciated the monthly scheme providing Rs 1,000 for women, although they noted that benefits had yet to reach their households.

The Topnos likened Soren’s situation to that of Arvind Kejriwal in Delhi, believing that similar tactics are being employed against him. They anticipate a return to power for the JMM. Om Topno parted ways, commenting on the pervasive corruption in politics and lamenting that no truly clean candidates exist anymore.

Saraikela, Saraikela Kharsawan District

Saraikela is a vibrant district headquarters and a quintessential market town. Similar to Torpa, it lies within the Khunti parliamentary constituency, yet its political narrative has shifted significantly. Its MLA and former chief minister, Champai Soren, dubbed the "Kolhan Tiger," recently made headlines by switching allegiance to the BJP.

Champai’s defection is viewed more as a symbolic act than a demonstration of political strength. While he has been a long-time associate of Shibu Soren and an integral figure in the Jharkhand movement, he does not command the stature of a leading tribal leader in the region. 

Champai Soren himself typically wins by narrow margins, having lost the 2019 Lok Sabha election by a staggering 3 lakh votes in Jamshedpur. Notably, following Champai Soren's departure, Ramdas Soren from the neighbouring Ghatshila constituency was inducted into the cabinet. In the last election, the BJP secured none of the 14 assembly constituencies in the Kolhan region.

However, his status as a former chief minister and a mistreated veteran may yield different results this time. The combination of marginal tribal votes and the support of OBC groups, particularly the influential Mahato community, could produce unexpected outcomes in favour of the BJP.

I met Poornima and Manju, two industrious tribal women employed at a nearby hospital. They expressed satisfaction with the showering of attention from both the central and state governments towards women’s issues.

They said that Jharkhand people are "factory jaane wale log (people who go to the factory)," unlike people in Bihar. (Sly dig!) They are happy that avenues are opening up for women. The women are enthusiastic about the Rs 1,000 scheme, enquiring about registration details.

Yet they remain undecided on their voting preferences, stating that they focus on what benefits the community and the state rather than aligning with caste or community affiliations. There was a passion in the way they said that. India always confounds you!

As we look ahead, it is imperative for the next government to prioritise skill-building and vocational training initiatives to foster sustainable development in the region. Like Assam, they could begin by starting certification programs catering to the hospitality industry.

Also Read: Journey Through Jharkhand, Dispatch 1: A Primer On History, Politics, And People