Marathi, Bengali, Or Tamil — Language Politics Works But Only Until It Doesn’t

“We will forget our past differences for the protection of Marathi,” the Marathi Manoos’ estranged Thackeray brothers echoed a conciliatory tone after the Maharashtra government announced a three-language policy for primary schools. Both parties strongly attacked the BJP-led NDA government for its alleged pro-Hindi and anti-Marathi policies.

Initially, the parties announced separate protest marches against the move, but in a sudden turn of events, the Thackeray bete noire decided to conduct a unified morcha, relegating their 18-year-old rivalry.

The debate surrounding the three-language formula ultimately led to its withdrawal by the state government, but it also catalysed the revival of linguistic politics in one of the nation's most urbanised states. This issue reached its climax on 5 July, when the Thackeray brothers shared a stage at 'victory celebrations' commemorating their success in compelling the state government to reverse its decision.

The issue will further exacerbate in the days to come as it has served as a stick to the drowning politics of SS (UBT) and MNS. The Marathi-Marathi Asmita-Marathi Manoos is again at the forefront in cosmopolitan Mumbai, ahead of the all-important Mumbai municipal elections.

A unified stance by the Thackerays served as a dog whistle to the language chauvinist MNS workers, who have beaten up the North Indian and Gujarati-Marwari businessmen, taking a strong anti-migrant stance reminiscent of their activities in the late 2000s.

However, Maharashtra is not a one-off incident.

In the past few months, similar linguistic controversies have erupted across various states. The verbal confabulations between an SBI branch manager in Karnataka and a customer, heckling of outsiders by the Kannada chauvinists, and DMK’s assertive stance on the supposed Hindi imposition. It all signals a fresh wave of regionalist tendencies in the form of linguistic pride.

An attack on Hindi, framing it as a threat to regional languages, and an assertive demand for the primacy of a specific regional tongue. These events have reignited the linguistic debates that political parties have so adeptly exploited for electoral gain.

A Turbulent History of Linguistic Skirmishes

The seeds of language-based mobilisation were sown almost immediately after India gained independence. In the early 1950s, the demand for a separate Telugu-speaking state coalesced around Potti Sriramulu, a Gandhian who fasted for 58 days. His death in December 1952 ignited an inferno across Andhra, forcing Prime Minister Nehru to concede. Andhra State was born on 1 October 1953.

But Andhra was merely the first domino. Its success emboldened communities across southern and western India to demand their linguistic homelands. Nehru, initially wary of secessionist tendencies, eventually bowed to relentless pressure, leading to the formation of Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Kerala.

The Bombay State dispute proved far more tumultuous. The Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti rallied tens of thousands for a Marathi-only state with Mumbai as its capital. Protests turned deadly, claiming an estimated 106 lives in 1955–56 alone.

Finally, on 1 May 1960, the Bombay Reorganisation Act gave birth to Maharashtra, with Mumbai at its heart, and Gujarat, carved out for Gujarati speakers. Yet, even today, border areas like Belagavi (Belgaum) remain contested, a simmering reminder of unresolved linguistic tensions.

Migration, Demographics, and Rising Anti-Hindi Sentiments

A significant contemporary twist in this linguistic saga is the rising tide of migration from North Indian states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh to India's bustling metropolitan and Tier-II cities. This demographic shift is reshaping cultural landscapes.

Hindi-speaking migrants form the backbone of the blue-collar workforce in hospitality, construction, and security, while a growing number of white-collar migrants from these regions are increasingly prominent in the IT sector, especially in cities like Bengaluru, Mumbai, Pune, Chennai, and Hyderabad.

This influx has dramatically altered the cultural fabric of suburban areas, leading to a fascinating dynamic where native populations sometimes adopt Hindi or English to communicate. While precise, up-to-date figures are elusive, the 2011 Census offered a glimpse.

This demographic churn creates a complex interplay. The visible presence and growing influence of migrant populations in certain sectors can spark insecurities among local communities, fuelling sub-national sentiments against what is perceived as linguistic encroachment.

The Political Exploitation of Linguistic Insecurities

These insecurities are fertile ground for regional political parties, many of them dynastic, who shrewdly exploit them to secure votes. They champion regional pride and vociferously oppose the expansion of specific linguistic groups. Even national parties can benefit from shifts in linguistic demographics, though their approach is often more nuanced.

Parties like the DMK, Shiv Sena (and its successor MNS), and, more recently, the TMC in West Bengal, have mastered these tactics. Furthermore, the rise of national figures like Narendra Modi and Amit Shah has prompted regional players to craft narratives of preferential treatment for Gujarat and Gujarati speakers.

This narrative is frequently deployed by the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) in Maharashtra and the TMC in West Bengal to invoke nativist sentiments against the BJP, painting it as a "Gujarati party" indifferent to regional asmita (pride/identity).

The Electoral Efficacy of Linguistic Narratives

But how effective are these linguistic narratives truly in the brutal arena of electoral politics? History and contemporary examples offer compelling insights.

Shiv Sena under Balasaheb Thackeray: A Pivot to Power

In the 1960s, Balasaheb Thackeray's Shiv Sena burst onto Mumbai's political scene by targeting Tamilians, alleging they were usurping jobs meant for Marathi youth. This aggressive anti-Tamil, pro-Marathi stance initially propelled the Shiv Sena to considerable popularity in Mumbai, leading to victories in municipal and early legislative elections.

However, the party's growth plateaued. Its singular focus on linguistic politics limited its appeal beyond Mumbai and Thane. By 1985, its political future seemed uncertain. It was a statement by then-Congress CM Vasantdada Patil, perceived as undermining Mumbai's importance, that resurrected the Shiv Sena. They capitalised on this sentiment, winning the 1985 BMC polls.

Yet, crucially, Thackeray recognised the limitations of a purely nativist platform. He strategically shifted to aggressive pro-Hindutva politics. Riding the wave of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, the party expanded its base and achieved significant electoral success, ultimately forming a government in alliance with the BJP in 1995. This demonstrates that for Shiv Sena, linguistic politics alone had limited long-term viability.

Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS): Early Spark, Fading Flame

Raj Thackeray, a chip off the old block, replicated a similar model, targeting North Indian migrants in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR). This resonated with the Marathi lower-middle and middle classes, generating initial popularity. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, MNS secured significant vote shares in urban constituencies where Marathi–North Indian tensions simmered.

However, much like Shiv Sena, the MNS struggled to sustain momentum based solely on nativism. The rise of Narendra Modi and a broader shift in political discourse diminished MNS's appeal. Late attempts to pivot to pro-Hindutva politics in 2020 have not yielded significant electoral gains, and the party remains largely marginal in Maharashtra's current political landscape.

Maharashtra Ekikaran Samiti (MES): A Fading Echo

In the Belagavi region, the MES championed the rights of Marathi speakers in border areas, advocating for reunification with Maharashtra. The Samiti enjoyed significant influence and electoral success for decades. However, its relevance has waned. Now largely confined to pockets of Belagavi city, the MES has struggled in recent elections, signalling the declining power of solely linguistic-based politics, even in regions with entrenched linguistic tensions.

Trinamool Congress (TMC): The 'Outsider' Card

In West Bengal, the TMC ingeniously employed a Bengali versus 'outsider' narrative during the 2021 elections to counter the BJP’s pro-Hindutva push. By portraying the BJP as a bohirgato (outsider) party and subtly framing Hindu deities along regional lines, the TMC aimed to create a 'barrier to entry' for the BJP amongst Bengali Hindus.

This tactic, combined with other factors like welfare schemes and Muslim vote consolidation, contributed significantly to the TMC's victory. Mamata Banerjee continues to project herself as the champion of Bengali asmita, using this narrative to reinforce her political position. Overcoming this 'outsider' perception remains a key challenge for the BJP to make inroads in Bengal.

DMK in Tamil Nadu: A Desperate Gambit?

Currently, the DMK in Tamil Nadu is prominently deploying anti-Hindi rhetoric, particularly as it faces anti-incumbency and new political challenges. Invoking Tamil asmita is seen as a strategy to regain political ground.

However, with the BJP being a relatively minor player in Tamil Nadu compared to West Bengal, and strong regional rivals like AIADMK and the rising Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagham, the DMK's reliance on anti-Hindi sentiment might be a desperate attempt to maintain relevance rather than a guaranteed path to dominance.

The 2024 Maharashtra Vidhansabha Elections: 'Marathi vs Gujarati' Falls Short

In the run-up to the November 2024 elections, both Shiv Sena (UBT) under Uddhav Thackeray and NCP (SP) under Sharad Pawar relentlessly attempted to portray the BJP as a "Gujarati party" indifferent to Marathi asmita. They sounded alarms about capital flight and preferential treatment for Gujarati businesses, framing the BJP’s economic agenda as hostile to Maharashtra’s interests.

However, despite this intense sub-national rhetoric, the Maha Yuti (NDA) alliance secured a commanding majority of 235 out of 288 seats. The BJP itself won 132 seats, and its primary regional ally, Shiv Sena (Shinde faction), secured 57 seats. In stark contrast, Shiv Sena (UBT) managed only 20 seats, and NCP (SP) a mere 10.

The "Marathi vs Gujarati" barrier, while raising the political temperature, ultimately proved insufficient to stem the NDA’s statewide sweep. Within five months, economic promises (like direct cash transfers) and a vigorous pro-Hindutva campaign effectively drowned out exclusive language appeals made during the Lok Sabha elections.

Linguistic Politics: A Force Multiplier, Not a Foundation

The evidence is clear: language-based rhetoric can energise a regional base, serving as a potent "primer" for identity politics. However, it rarely sustains itself as a standalone electoral platform. Once the immediate mobilising effect wanes, parties must pivot to broader ideological, economic, or welfare agendas.

The urbanisation factor plays a crucial role here. In increasingly cosmopolitan metros and Tier-II towns, socio-economic issues—employment, housing, and infrastructure—often eclipse linguistic anxieties. Voters demand tangible governance outcomes far beyond emotive identity politics.

Sub-national language narratives have historically hindered the entry of national parties, as exemplified by the TMC's bohirgato strategy in Bengal and the DMK's anti-Hindi stance in Tamil Nadu. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) faces a significant challenge in the upcoming West Bengal and Tamil Nadu polls due to this very reason.

In West Bengal, the BJP aims to counter the TMC's linguistic and Bengali asmita agenda by leveraging anti-incumbency sentiments against the Mamata Banerjee government and promoting Hindutva. Conversely, in Tamil Nadu, the BJP is aligning with regional parties to combat the perception of being an 'outsider' and a Hindi-speaking party. It is also organising events like the Murugan Bhakthargal Aanmeega Manadu to project itself as deeply rooted in Tamil culture.

The linguistic fault lines, upon which both the TMC and DMK heavily rely, and the BJP's counter-strategies, promise a captivating political battle in the coming year.

The historical record, from Shiv Sena’s anti-Tamil campaigns in the 1960s to MNS’s anti-North-Indian agitation in 2009, reveals a consistent pattern: cycles of mobilisation followed by decline. While a powerful tool for galvanising a base, linguistic politics is undeniably a force multiplier, not the foundation of lasting political power in India's complex and evolving democracy.

Without real policies or a broader view, politics based only on language rise and fall quickly. While language can strongly motivate people at the local level, it boosts power rather than building lasting political control in India's complex democracy.