It’s A Fight Between National And Local, Dilli and New Delhi, In South Delhi 

Bharatiya Janata Party’s incumbent MP Ramesh Bidhuri is fighting his second battle for Lok Sabha in Delhi’s South Delhi constituency. Fighting against him, in the battle for the Hindu vote, in what a section of South Delhi voters call a “triangular” battle, are Vijender Singh of the Congress and Raghav Chaddha of the AAP.

Nationalism appears as the new category defining preferences. Yet, for those used to the prism of caste and regional identities, Gurjar, Jat and Purvanchali identities dominate the melting pot simmering with “outsiders (migrants)”. Bidhuri is a Gurjar himself.

In South Delhi constituency, some issues shaping voting preferences are national (national security under NDA II, “desh ka swabhimaan (nation’s dignity)”, fight against terrorism, Balakot, Narendra Modi’s stance on Pakistan, law and order, transparency measures, national infrastructure, schemes, policies, building of toilets, Swachch Bharat, Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PMJAY), demonetisation and GST - the boon), and building of local infrastructure including the Mahipalpur flyover.

Some issues pertaining to Delhi are the grudge against demonetisation - “the bane”, statehood, as being promised by AAP, the need for better health facilities and schools, a demand across party lines. Some concerns are proudly south Delhi (ranging from the dress sense of a candidate to water pressure in a cluster area, the number of storeys in jhuggis).

Three contrasting images emerge of three candidates. Bidhuri is described as a “sincere worker” and “sakhth aadmi”. While BJP is looking at the youth vote for Modi, Congress and AAP, respectively, are eyeing the youth vote after careful selection of a candidate who is a “boxer” and a candidate who is a “gentleman”. The general perception among AAP supporters for Chaddha is: “Badhiya aadmi hai. Kejriwal ki party ka hai aur parha likha hai (he is a good man, is from AAP and is educated).”

At BJP’s rally in Vasant Kunj, which was held at a ground not far from Congress candidate’s Vijender Singh’s office, speakers took turns to attack Kejriwal. Laced in nationalist poetry, and some smart lines, there was a mention to events involving a section of students from Jawahar Lal Nehru University, where anti national slogans were raised. Bihar politics spilling out of the campus seemed to intensify the poetry: “JNU tak aawaaz jaani chahiye (these voices should reach JNU).”

Verbal arrows were pointing towards Kejriwal, and a bit at Congress. Delhi’s past matters at this constituency and almost everything in public memory which has flashed on Delhi’s political calendar between 2010 and 2019, was given a mention by the speakers, including Vijay Goel and Amit Shah - from beginning till end at the rally.

Jaisingh Chaudhary, and some voters from Palam area, said that the constituency has two main aspects impacting this election “rashtra (nation) and jaati (caste)“. He said, “Yeh election hamare charitra ka pramaan hoga (this election will be a proof of our character).”

Words were used pointedly and carefully, charged towards Kejriwal and AAP in an effort to cut into the image of both - party and man - as “doer” on the Vidhan Sabha level.

Bidhuri is keeping the following in his priority list: getting Delhi metro phase four cleared (he might have to hear demands from people living Saket and Mehrauli areas) building multi-specialty hospitals, building schools and colleges, water supply to every household and sewer lines across the constituency. Devinder Mehndiratta, a businessman and BJP supporter, feels that Bidhuri will return. He says, “Ghaseeta maarna baaki partiyon ki aadat hai (to drag on some issues is a habit of other parties. BJP has a history of working for this constituency and this election is different on many levels. Every factor will work in BJP’s favour.”

While BJP continued with Bidhuri as its choice for Modi’s second battle at the centre, Congress came up with Singh, a celebrity jat known for the accolades he has won as a sportsman. Then, after the Congress propped up a jat, Bijwasan MLA from AAP, Col (Retd) Devinder Kumar Sehrawat, joined BJP. Sehrawat isn’t an ordinary guy making his presence felt as a “rebel MLA” joining BJP.

He claimed the Bijwasan seat from BJP’s Sat Prakash Rana, a candidate known for his clout in the constituency before AAP arrived (in an assembly segment which was known for the presence of voters hailing from Uttarakhand that year and phase). The third time, he fought against none other than Bidhuri in 2014 Lok Sabha polls.

His reach in the rural areas, which worked as an advantage for AAP in two Vidhan Sabha polls and Lok Sabha 2014 polls, is well known. Some voters supporting the BJP we met said that Vijender Singh’s entry has ensured that the Jat vote will remain divided in the triangular contest mainly between Congress and AAP.

According to most BJP supporters Swarajya spoke to at the rally, the Jat-Gurjar equation looks like this: “Gurjars are bigger in number and are with BJP. Jats are already divided between Congress and AAP. Some are with BJP but their numbers are lesser than what the other parties will take from the Jat community. Jats who support AAP like Kejriwal for the facilities, subsidies and policies his party is providing.”

The larger attack was on Kejriwal, his policies, the promises made by him and his party. A grand space was made in the ‘us versus them’ optics on both the national and local front. Amit Shah delivered a speech after landing from Kolkata, but long before he even arrived, speeches made at the dais included the mention to electioneering and election-related events taking place in Bengal. BJP was talking to a wide audience and studying the mood. It clicked at the rally. It is expected to click at the booth as well.

Anil Kumar, a voter I met at Vasant Kunj, believes that a good leader is all what a country needs at this time, and in Modi, he and the nation has got that. He mentions three essentials he is happy with - currently. Among them, only roti sounds familiar. Rest has moved places. He says, “izzat se do waqt ki roti, desh ka garv, aur safai, ye teenon mujhe milein hain paanch saal mein.” A square meal a day earned with respect. Two - national pride. Three - cleanliness. South Delhi parliamentary constituency is home to a variety of demographic and social contrasts. It is part of the National Capital Region, sitting in the heart of the capital, yet, you notice that people seem to walk away from the national towards local for a Lok Sabha poll at a time when the mood and debate, even in several rural parts of other cities and districts, is proudly “national”. At places in Delhi, and at places within the South Delhi constituency, you realise that people hold “Dilli” the sentiment above New Delhi, India’s national capital. Voice optics, at these moments, remind one of the Vidhan Sabha rink.

Voters who are preferring to vote for BJP in the parliamentary polls believe that Kejriwal has created an impact by addressing issues and concerns - mostly relating to health, education, water supply, LPG subsidy (a voter in Badarpur said that even saving Rs 15 on one LPG cylinder means a good amount saved) in cluster areas. “Gareebon ki to Kejriwal hee soch raha hai, isliye zyada loag usko hee vote denge (only he thinks for the poor, most people will vote for him),” a fruit seller in Katwaria Sarai said.

Some local issues going into the local sentiment are more local than you would think. These are to the tune of: “water pipeline laid by MLA”, “pipeline used by his successor MLA”, “water wasted after the successor MLA gave free hand to a certain section of voters for appeasement”, the jhuggis, the betterment of jhuggis, the flourishing of storeys in these jhuggis in the last few years, et cetera.

In short, out of the three parties, AAP is trying to hit BJP on local issues. There are some in-betweens, gaps where disappointment with AAP is giving way to sentiment for Congress. “Kuchh to kiya thha Sheila Dikshit ne. Kaafi cheezein galat huin, maante hain, par kam se kam kaam to kiya thha,” is a refrain.

Vijay Singh, a voter from Sangam Vihar believes that many people like him living in clusters still think about the nation. He adds, “Rashtra sarvopari hai (nation first) - this is Modi’s vision. Us par voting ho rahi hai (people are voting on that). Currently, I think that not many people like us know about the policies he has introduced.”

Some voters feel that BJP’s work will gain momentum here on. “Ab inka speed barhega.” That the homework has been done. “Peeche ka kaam khatam ho gaya.” Surprisingly (and not), Bengal finds a mention outside BJP’s rally ground and across the constituency. So do Bihar and Tamil Nadu.

Rural and urban contrasts take the same seat in South Delhi’s electoral landscape. There is room for some wisdom amidst the commotion. At Nehru Place, where BJP did a small Jan Sabha in order to send its message to “all 70 Vidhan Sabha seats” from that one spot, a chhaachh seller from Haryana, Sarvjit Rawat, told me that Modi is the Prahlad of today’s times. “It is a bitter truth. Modi is the Prahlad under going a test for dharma. Name one leader who can work like him and speak like him.”

What is the first thing Modi should address if he returns? Rawat adds, “The one thing he should fix soon after coming to power, is education. Once he gives education the fix he needs, a lot of problems related to unemployment will be solved.” Rawat cycles all the way from Palwal to sell chhaachh and talks about Modi’s work during work - unabashedly.

In Badarpur, Ehsaan Ahmad vouches for AAP’s grip on the outsiders (migrants settled in the area). At the same time, he feels that Gurjar sentiment, and BJP’s work on the regional groups, especially those hailing from Bihar, would reap the party benefits. He says, “AAP has done good work for outsiders who come for work, and helps them when they resettle with their families in Delhi. People turn to them with gratitude. Sab ehsaan maante hain AAP ka.”

In Jaitpur and Badarpur, some voters are praising the work done by AAP. Athar Ahmad and Naeem Ur Rahman feel that voters were troubled by demonetisation and GST, two steps taken by the Modi government. Ahmad says, “AAP’s work towards building roads, road dividers, gol chakkars (roundabouts), fixing water problems and education will work for it in this bigger election.”

Sangam Vihar and Govindpuri and the jhuggi would keep the parties on their feet. While the mood is upbeat about AAP, owing to its grip since the Vidhan Sabha elections, preferences are getting divided on the national-versus-local perspective. Here, too, as in Kalkaji and Badarpur, the BJP is tapping the migrant groups with help of regional leaders and active coordinators. These migrant workers mostly stay in rented accommodations, and may or may not vote in tandem with the influential “makaan maalik (the landlord).

Nem Chand, a shopkeeper in Katwaria Sarai scoffs at the misconception landlords in the constituency have about their own electoral power. “The landlords feel powerful because they are landlords, but when it comes to elections, kiraayedaars make the more powerful lot. Jats, like anywhere else, are divided on voting for the BJP. This time everyone is voting quietly.”

According to Chand, public’s sentiment towards the nation has undergone a huge change under the BJP. He adds, “Earlier, the janata was told, ‘lut bhi raha hai par hai to desh mein hee (the loot, after all, will remain in the country)‘, imagine the impact of such a perception on the public. Andhergardee chal rahee thhee (it was a scenario full of corruption).”

For the BJP, the “migrant voter” factor works well for certain groups in state context. Voters who are aware of the national policies, schemes, transformation in health and education sectors, access to LPG, and other benefits, in their home states, and appreciate the measures taken by Modi government during its term, are among BJP’s prime backers in this constituency. Those who have voted in the home state are back in south Delhi - their second home - to “spread the word about work done back home”.

Tapping people groups from Tamil Nadu is MP, minister and senior BJP leader, Pon Radhakrishnan, whom Swarajya saw addressing a small and warm gathering of people at a small temple in a jhuggi in Kalkaji. It was a mini Tamil Nadu baithak in the heart of Kalkaji, which is named after and known for the Kalkaji Temple sentiment.

According to Radhakrishnan, the Tamil community’s emotion of BJP is growing, and people’s perception on BJP’s support to various castes is changing, too. “There is a big change in people’s perception towards the BJP this time in Tamil Nadu. Earlier, it was not so. There is no confusion this time. I have been to all seven constituencies in Delhi. I have been to other areas including RK Puram and Shakarpur.”

Do voters from the community relate with the change in preferences taking place in Tamil Nadu? “Yes. These people are telling me that their relatives are supporting the BJP in Tamil Nadu and they want to do the same here. People want the change in Tamil Nadu and Kerala.”

What are the local concerns that people are sharing with? “Here, education is the prime concern. Their children study in Tamil medium schools and they face a problem of being asked for donations. Then, they have small concerns, like, the community certificate, drainage, lighting education etc.”

In an election where every vote counts, the party is making an effort to address people of the south Indian community, including those from Tamil Nadu, spread across constituencies.

Women power in this particular jhuggi is robust. Most women work and support families, they observe each and every ritual and festival at the (bigger) temple outside the jhuggi, and every summer, they leave for Tamil Nadu, for an annual vacation with kids. Radhakrishnan, a revered senior leader, was quick to grasp their prime concern - education, especially a Tamil medium school in the area. It was important to speak with them and the veteran was doing exactly that.

Vidhan Sabha props up. According to Vijay Singh, a resident of Sangam Vihar, not everyone thinks highly of the work done at the Vidhan Sabha level. “Waah waahi loot rahe hain paani ke liye, par kitnee public ko de rahe hain? (they have taken all the credit for providing water, but how many are they providing water to)“

He doesn’t think too highly of “free bijli aur paani.” He adds, “This is one mistake that politicians make. They burden resources by handing out resources for free. Koi bhi cheez free mein nahin milni chahiye (nothing should be given free of cost). How will people value services until they shell out some money from their own pocket? Yet the interesting part is, that I have to spend a good amount of money every month to buy water, as I have no direct access to it. When a thousand others have access to it, why not I when I am ready to pay for it?”

This time, some of the voters Swarajya met are expecting Congress to improve its tally towards Delhi assembly polls. Others said that Congress might even push AAP to number three.

Weather changes of all types might throw up interesting surprises. Schedule castes are believed to be accounting for 16 per cent, OBC and Upper caste Hindus are believed to be roughly 60 per cent in this constituency. Gurjars account for bigger numbers, nearly 10 per cent, and Jats and Muslims, around six each, among others.

The handling of various issues on the international front, problems on ground and situations concerning the nation, makes Modi a good leader before SS Chaudhary, a voter in Saket. “Today, Indians are respected for who and where they are. Do you remember what was happening in Australia with Indians, some years ago? There has been a huge difference in how Indians are perceived today. A huge difference in how Indians look at themselves. It matters that a great man like Dr APJ Abdul Kalam has been given the respect he deserves!”

He said that most Jats like him think of the nation first. “What’s the use of my being an educated man if I look at caste and vote? However, it is true that Jats are angry with the BJP,” he said. Qamrool Islam Khan, another voter, on Mehrauli-Badarpur road, said that AAP cares for people like him. “Kejriwal fixed water problems. He got us peace and harmony. Demonetisation was bad.”

In 2014 Lok Sabha election, Bidhuri got 69,860 votes in Badarpur, Congress was trailing at the third mark. Congress is expected to improve its tally there. Bidhuri was ahead by more than 20,000 votes in Chhatarpur, trailed in Sangam Vihar (AAP’s strong bastion even today), Deoli, and Ambedkar Nagar, behind AAP; he got a lead ranging between 20,000-30,000 votes in Bijwasan, Palam and Mehrauli; Tughlaqabad (his own area) and Kalkaji (considered BJP’s comfort zone) got Bidhuri leads. This was during AAP’s peak popularity in Delhi.

On Twitter, two days ago, Bidhuri showed his support to Gautam Gambhir, the cricketer turned politician who will be fighting a bitter battle in East Delhi today. On his own tried pitch, Bidhuri might get an edge in the curious season of “mohbhang”, the perceived loss of people’s affection towards his opponents.

(Pictures: Sumati Mehrishi)

This report is part of Swarajya's 50 Ground Stories Project - an attempt to throw light on issues and constituencies the old media largely refuses to engage. You can support this initiative by sponsoring as little as Rs 2,999. Click here for more details