Journey Through Jharkhand, Dispatch 3: Urban Jharkhand Yearns For Progress

Jamshedpur stands as a remarkable testament to urban planning and environmental aesthetics, boasting an abundance of greenery that takes visitors by surprise. I did not realise that it was so big. Another wonderful tier-2 city in India.

At the heart of Jamshedpur's identity is Tata Steel, a company that has profoundly shaped the city through its extensive corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives. The public spaces, parks, and museums in Jamshedpur are nothing short of enchanting.

Not many get emotional seeing giant ducts and chimney stacks, but I wondered how daring it is of the Tatas to build all of this up in the middle of nowhere. It took Jamshedji Tata and his associates three arduous years to select this site in the Chhotanagpur plateau for their plant in 1908.

The transformation of Jamshedpur into a prominent city, offering employment to countless individuals and fostering development in an impoverished area, is truly an outstanding achievement.

During my visit, I had the opportunity to meet Anirban, who manages the restaurant at the hotel I stayed in. He is a Bengali. After I told him I was from Chennai, he spoke to me only in English. His family had moved from East Bengal to Jamshedpur after the partition. His extended family is in Kolkata and it seems that, in his mind, he lives there too. Humans are strange beings!

When I inquired about the political climate, Anirban initially interpreted my question as a reference to West Bengal. He passionately criticised the administration of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, accusing her of creating a patronage system that obstructs job opportunities for the average citizen. He argued that with a 30 per cent Muslim population solidly supporting her, dislodging her from power would be a formidable challenge. He said that the RG Kar issue has brought shame to Bengalis everywhere.

I press him on Jharkhand's political landscape (where he is physically present). He says the election's referendum is centred on corruption. He described the Hemant Soren government as deeply corrupt, in stark contrast to the previous administration led by Raghubar Das, which was regarded as clean.

Anirban speculated that Champai Soren's recent entry into the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would bolster the party’s standing. However, he acknowledged that existing factional divides within the BJP, including the Marandi and Munda factions, would have to be sorted out.

In a subsequent discussion with several young men at a local chai shop, I found that they could not even name their local MLA. However, they expressed a strong inclination to vote for the BJP, primarily due to its track record in infrastructure development. This sentiment may reflect a broader trend among the urban population of Jharkhand. These are the parts that have assimilated by urbanisation, making other group identities secondary. They are part of aspirational India and are eager for more secular economic growth.

One might conclude that Other Backward Classes (OBCs) are firmly aligned with the BJP, while the outcome of the progressive tribal vote, swinging between the INDI Alliance and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), will ultimately determine the election results.

In the recent elections, Jamshedpur sent Bidyut Baran Mahato to Parliament for the third time, where he secured victory by a margin of 2.5 lakh votes. Of the six assembly segments, five were won by the coalition of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and Indian National Congress (INC), and one was claimed by an independent candidate, Saryu Roy, who notably defeated the incumbent Chief Minister and five-time MLA Raghubar Das in Jamshedpur East. Saryu Roy recently jumped ship to the Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)).

Reflecting on my conversation with Anirban, I mused about the possibility of a Bengali Chief Minister should the BJP secure victory. Given that Bengalis constitute approximately 10 per cent of the population, such a scenario would indeed be intriguing.

Hazaribagh

My journey continued to Hazaribagh, where I met local businessmen Pradeep Mahato and Prakash Mahato, wholesalers of coconuts with a setup in Delhi's Azadpur mandi.

Both expressed dissatisfaction with basic infrastructure, particularly the inconsistent water supply. They highlighted that water quality, supply timing, and water flow are major concerns — a pressing issue that seems largely overlooked in political discourse across Jharkhand.

Hazaribagh is well-known for its educational institutions, and the Mahato brothers conveyed their contentment with the mix of private and public schools and colleges available in the area. Although the region is home to a significant Muslim and Vanvasi population, it is predominantly influenced by the Mahatos, who are arguably the largest OBC group in Jharkhand.

Since 1998, the constituency has been represented by either former finance minister Yashwant Sinha or his son Jayant, with a brief interruption from 2004 to 2009. In the latest elections, Jayant Sinha was asked to vacate the seat, allowing former local MLA Manish Jaiswal to assume the role of MP. As a result, the MLA position is now vacant, though Hazaribagh city has traditionally leaned towards the BJP.

The Mahato brothers were firm in their belief that the BJP would reclaim power, accusing the Hemant Soren administration of being both corrupt and inefficient, with little progress made over the past five years.

The cash transfer scheme implemented by the government has experienced a patchy rollout, leading to disparities in access and fostering resentment among those who feel overlooked.

"The tribal discontent has already been capitalised on in the last election," the Mahatos opined, suggesting it may not be a decisive factor in the upcoming assembly elections. They believe that the returns of Babulal Marandi and Champai Soren to the BJP will likely attract progressive tribals residing in urban areas.

Additionally, a local party led by Tiger Jairam Mahato is gaining traction, as evidenced by the numerous posters and loudspeakers broadcasting campaign songs throughout the region. As I journeyed from Hazaribagh into Chatra and Latehar, I observed extensive coalfields operated by NTPC.

These urban pockets present the progressive hope for Jharkhand to move beyond identity politics. These areas have tasted development, seen a fair bit of what is happening in other parts of India and are eager for a prosperous future. These sections are more BJP-leaning, but the results will depend on whether the BJP leadership promises to acknowledge their aspirations.