Politics
Jaideep Mazumdar
Apr 25, 2018, 02:50 PM | Updated 02:50 PM IST
Save & read from anywhere!
Bookmark stories for easy access on any device or the Swarajya app.
The Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2016, which is now being scrutinised by the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC), has once again raised passions in Assam. The bill, which proposes to offer citizenship to Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Christians and Parsis who have migrated illegally into India from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan, is being vehemently opposed in Assam which is suffering from the burden of millions of illegal migrants, both Hindus and Muslims, from Bangladesh.
A number of organisations have already sent deputations to the JPC opposing the bill which, the indigenous Assamese fear, would lead to an influx of lakhs of Hindu Bengalis from Bangladesh into Assam. These organisations, including bodies representing various indigenous tribes like the Bodos, Karbis and Dimasas, have been fearing that Assam will have to bear the unbearable burden of more refugees from Bangladesh. There are an estimated 20 million illegal Bangladeshi migrants in Assam and they have inalienably altered the demography of the state, besides putting a severe strain on the state’s resources and economy.
The latest controversy over the draft bill has erupted after two senior office-bearers of the Asom Sattra Mahasabha (ASM), the apex body of the state’s Vaishnavite monasteries, submitted a memorandum in support of the bill to the JPC. This triggered a public outcry, forcing the ASM to suspend its general secretary Kusum Kumar Mahanta and serve a show-cause notice on its vice-president Akhil Mahanta. The two had told the JPC that they were in favour of the proposed bill. Various units of the ASM criticised the duo and asked for their removal, while the ASM itself came under flak from various other organisations and even got a warning from Paresh Barua, the chief of ULFA, a proscribed terrorist outfit.
The controversy has regenerated the debate on the bill. The fears of the indigenous Assamese, including the tribals of the state, is genuine. The demography of Assam has been changing ever since the British encouraged landless peasants, mainly Muslims, from (then) East Bengal to migrate and settle in Assam to cultivate vast tracts of fallow land and the fertile ‘chars’ (areas and islands constituted by floodplain sediments). Before Independence, Sir Syed Muhammad Sadullah, the then prime minister of the state, encouraged migration of Muslim peasants from East Bengal. The late 1940s, just prior to and immediately after Independence, saw lakhs of Bengali Hindu refugees settling in Assam. Hindus once again migrated from (then) East Pakistan in large numbers fleeing persecution from the Pakistani army in 1970-71.
Since then, a combination of factors - the porous borders of the state with Bangladesh, a poor country with the highest population density in the world, the ease with which Indian citizenship documents are allegedly acquired from corrupt local officials in the state, and politicians reportedly encouraging this illegal migration in order to cultivate vote banks - has led to unabated influx from across the international border. Not only has the demography of the state changed, socio-economic and ethnic unrest has also risen. The six-year long Assam Movement that culminated in the signing of the Assam Accord which laid down a framework for detection and deportation of foreigners from the state was the result of this brewing resentment against the presence of millions of foreigners in the state. The birth of the ULFA was also spawned by this popular resentment.
However, the implementation of the accord, and the consequent detection of foreigners in the state, has been very tardy. Just a few thousand foreigners have been detected by the 100-odd tribunals set up in the state for the purpose. This has kept the whole ‘foreigners issue’ alive in Assam. Not much progress has also been made since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in the state in mid-2016 on the promise of detecting and deporting all Bangladeshis from Assam. The indigenous people of Assam are the only ones in the country to face the imminent prospect of becoming a hopeless minority in their own land and their culture, language, traditions and customs being swamped by aliens (read this letter written by the then Assam Governor, Lt Gen S K Sinha, in 1998 on the foreigners issue).
Given this, it is no surprise that the indigenous people of Assam are opposing the amendments to the 1955 Citizenship Act. Their fears, misgivings and objections are genuine and needs to be addressed by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government at the Centre. The bill needs to be revised to accommodate the concerns of the indigenous people of Assam. Otherwise, Assam could well witness the turmoil of the early 1980s that wracked the state and led to loss of many lives. The BJP has to remember that it was the indigenous people of Assam who voted for the party in large numbers, enabling it to come to power in the state. That trust should not be belied.
Here are a few measures that can be incorporated in the draft bill and also legislated separately to accommodate the concerns and assuage the fears of the indigenous people of Assam:
These measures would adequately address the concerns of the indigenous people of Assam. That said, the people of Assam also have to realise that the draft Citizenship (Amendment) Bill cannot be thrown into the dustbin. There are lakhs of Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Christians and Parsis who have fled religious, social and economic persecution from the Islamic nations of Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan and have nowhere to go. Pushing them back to their countries of origin would mean certain death for them. There is a huge volume of anecdotal evidence and media reports of the terrible persecution Hindus have been facing in the three countries - assaults, molestation and rapes of women, forcible eviction from their properties, forcible conversions to Islam, social and economic boycotts, murders, denial of job and economic opportunities etc. These persecuted lots have no place to migrate to except India. This needs to be understood and appreciated by all.
https://swarajyamag.com/politics/why-nrc-update-should-be-a-nationwide-exercise
Jaideep Mazumdar is an associate editor at Swarajya.