World

How The Global Left Has Lost The Traditional Working Class

Bhaskar Majumdar

Nov 27, 2024, 11:51 AM | Updated Nov 29, 2024, 07:18 PM IST


Trump driving a garbage truck.
Trump driving a garbage truck.

In the run-up to his Cabinet formation, President elect Trump nominated a darling of the Trade Unions Oregon Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer as his Labor Secretary. In a Truth Social post, Mr. Trump said she’ll work toward “historic cooperation between Business and Labor” 

Why would Mr. Trump want to empower labour bosses who oppose his economic agenda and has intended to defeat him? The truth lies in the fact that under Trump, the supposed right wing Republican Party chose to capture the traditional bastions of the supposed left leaning Democratic party: the working class. 

If one is to study the recent hustings in Europe and in the USA, it is clear the global left has lost the traditional working class. 

The global political landscape has undergone seismic shifts in recent decades, with one of the most striking developments being the erosion of the traditional working-class base from the political Left.

Once the cornerstone of leftist movements, the working class has increasingly gravitated toward right-leaning populist parties or disengaged from politics altogether. This phenomenon, observed in many industrialized democracies, raises pressing questions about the identity, strategy, and relevance of the Left parties be they the Democrats in the US or the Labour party in UK in the 21st century.

In this article, we will explore the historical alliance between the Left and the working class, the socio-economic transformations that have strained this relationship, and the ideological and strategic missteps that have alienated traditional working-class voters.  

The Historical Alliance Between the Left and the Working Class

The political Left historically derived much of its strength and legitimacy from its alignment with the working class. This relationship was forged in the crucible of the Industrial Revolution when workers faced exploitation in factories and mines, often under brutal conditions. Socialist, communist, and labour movements emerged to champion workers' rights, advocating for fair wages, safe working conditions, and collective bargaining.

In the mid-20th century, the alignment between the Left and the working class reached its zenith. Social democratic parties in Europe, the Labour Party in the UK, and the Democratic Party's New Deal coalition in the US built extensive welfare states, championed unionization, and promoted policies that lifted millions out of poverty. These achievements solidified the bond between the Left and blue-collar workers, creating a social compact that dominated the political landscape for decades.

Economic Transformation and the Decline of Traditional Industries

One of the primary reasons for the breakdown of this alliance is the structural transformation of the global economy. The decline of manufacturing industries in many Western countries, driven by globalization, automation, and deindustrialization, has had a profound impact on working-class communities. Industrial jobs, once a reliable source of stable income and collective identity, have been outsourced to lower-wage countries or replaced by machines.

For the traditional working class, these economic changes have led to stagnating wages, job insecurity, and a sense of cultural displacement. In many cases, the Left has struggled to address these concerns effectively. While advocating for globalization’s benefits or prioritizing environmental concerns, many left-leaning parties have been perceived as neglecting the immediate needs of working-class communities.

In contrast, right-wing populist movements have capitalized on these anxieties, offering simple, often nationalist solutions such as opposing free trade agreements, tightening immigration controls, and promising to bring back industrial jobs. By framing globalization and immigration as threats to national and economic security, these movements have successfully drawn significant portions of the working class into their fold. 

JD Vance in his book “Hillybilly Elegy” had highlighted this as reason for the rise of Trump in 2015 especially in the Rust Belt of US. 

Cultural and Ideological Alienation

Beyond economic concerns, cultural and ideological factors have played a crucial role in the Left's estrangement from the working class. Over time, many left-wing parties have shifted their focus from “class-based politics” to “identity politics”, emphasizing issues related to race, gender, and sexuality. These “woke issues” overshadowed the bread-and-butter issues like jobs, wages, and social mobility.

For many working-class voters, this shift has been alienating. They feel that their concerns about economic insecurity and community decline are no longer a priority for leftist movements. Moreover, the Left’s increasing association with the liberal urban, educated elites has deepened the divide, fostering a perception that left-wing parties are out of touch with the realities of working-class life. A liberal graduate professional middle class set who do not see the world in the same fundamental terms as the working class. After all, this is the liberalism of wokedom, of identity politics. These are the people who intellectually buy into the post-modern critical theories that are, frankly, alien to the broader history of the labour movement. There could be an element of class snobbery at play, where the educated middle class embrace wokeism as a badge to separate their global view from the “low intellect” working class.

In some cases, the rhetoric of cultural progressivism has inadvertently reinforced stereotypes about the working class, portraying them as backward or resistant to change or even maliciously identifying the local working class as “white working class”. 

This political vacuum that has been created has been exploited by right-wing populists, who position themselves as defenders of "ordinary people" against a perceived cosmopolitan elite.

The Role of Union Decline

Unions once served as a vital bridge between the Left and the working class, providing a platform for collective action and ensuring that workers' voices were heard in the political arena. However, the decline of union membership across much of the industrialized world has weakened this connection. Factors such as anti-union legislation, the rise of gig work, and the fragmentation of labor markets have all contributed to this decline.

Without the organizational and mobilizing power of unions, working-class voters have become less politically engaged and more susceptible to the appeals of populist movements. Leftist parties, in turn, have struggled to find new ways to connect with these voters on a meaningful level. It is in this context it is interesting the Trump to see Oregon Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer as the Labor Secretary in the US.

The Impact of Globalization and Neoliberalism

The embrace of neoliberal economic policies by many center-left parties has further alienated the working class. During the late 20th century, parties like the UK Labour Party under Tony Blair and the US Democratic Party under Bill Clinton adopted market-oriented policies, including deregulation, privatization, and free trade. While these policies aimed to modernize economies and attract middle-class support, they often came at the expense of the working class, exacerbating inequality and economic insecurity.

The perception that the Left had abandoned its traditional commitment to economic justice in favor of appeasing corporate interests and wealthy donors has been deeply damaging. Many working-class voters now view the Left as indistinguishable from the neoliberal establishment, undermining its credibility as a champion of the marginalized.

The Rise of Right-Wing Populism

The void left by the Left's retreat from working-class concerns has been filled by right-wing populists, who have skillfully tapped into economic and cultural grievances. Figures like Donald Trump in the US, Nigel Farage in UK, Marine Le Pen in France, and Viktor Orbán in Hungary have built their platforms around themes of nationalism, anti-globalization, and cultural conservatism, strong family values, denouncing “wokesim” – all of which resonate with working-class voters who feel abandoned by traditional parties.

These movements have succeeded in reframing political debates around identity, sovereignty, and security, often using divisive rhetoric to pit "ordinary people" against immigrants, elites, and political correctness. While their policies may not always align with the economic interests of the working class, their ability to channel anger and frustration has proven highly effective.

The change in the Profile of the Left Leadership

The leadership of Left parties has shifted dramatically over the decades, transitioning from working-class figures rooted in labour unions and blue-collar struggles to more liberal, "woke" leaders focused on identity politics and progressive social issues.

Historically, Left leaders represented industrial workers, prioritizing economic justice and collective bargaining. Today, many leaders are university-educated elites emphasizing diversity, environmentalism, and cultural inclusivity. John Prescott, who died in UK this week was the embodiment of a tough, beer drinking, working class leader of the Labour Party who rose to become a Dy PM. Contrast him, with all the London elite liberal career politicians of the Labour Party today. This has alienated traditional working-class voters who can no longer relate to these leaders and there is an ever growing disconnect. 

Islamisation of the Left movement

All over the western world, the Left parties engagement with Islamisation reflects a complex interplay of multiculturalism, anti-racism, and political pragmatism. Historically committed to defending marginalized communities, Left liberal parties aligned with Muslim groups, initally viewing them as victims of systemic discrimination and Islamophobia post 9/11. 

However, this embrace has exposed stark ideological tensions. Core left liberal values—such as gender equality, LGBTQ+ rights, secularism, and freedom of speech—often conflict with conservative interpretations of Islam.

Yet, fears of being perceived as culturally insensitive or Islamophobic have led some Leftist parties to downplay these conflicts. Politically, the Left’s outreach is also strategic, aimed at securing support from growing Muslim populations in urban centres, as the rampant Islamist growth in the urban centres of the all-western nations continues unabated. 

However, this approach has drawn criticism from the local working class who accuse the Left of compromising its values for electoral gain and turning a blind eye as they feel dispossessed in their own lands

The loss of the traditional working class is one of the most significant challenges facing the global Left today. To regain its footing, the Left parties need to get back to their moorings.

They must confront their own shortcomings, adapt to a changing economic landscape, and reassert its commitment to the values of social mobility and meritocracy rather than on identity politics. By doing so, it can not only hope to rebuild its relationship with its tradition bastion of the working class or else it will face obliteration in the years to come.

Bhaskar is the Founder and Managing Partner of Unicorn India Ventures, based in London and Mumbai. He is a keen political observer across different regions and is a regular commentator in international media, sharing his thoughts and insights on the trends he observes during his travels.


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